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Mapa bitky o polovicu Fredericksburgu

Mapa bitky o polovicu Fredericksburgu


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Mapa bitky o polovicu Fredericksburgu

Mapa bitky o polovicu Fredericksburgu

Horná polovica - úplná mapa - dolná polovica

Mapa prevzatá z Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: III: Retreat from Gettysburg, s.74

Návrat do bitky pri Fredericksburgu



Vojenské hodnosti Upraviť

  • MG = Generálmajor
  • BG = Brigádny generál
  • Plk = Plukovník
  • LTC = Podplukovník
  • Mjr = Major
  • Kpt = Kapitán
  • Por = 1. poručík

Ostatné Upraviť

Útvary generálneho riaditeľstva Upraviť

  • Oneida (New York) Cavalry: Cpt Daniel P. Mann, Companies. BCH & ampI: kpt. Marcus A. Reno, spoločnosti A a E: kpt. James B. McIntyre
  • Pušky Sturgis (Illinois): kpt. James Steel
  • 22. New Jersey
  • 29. New Jersey
  • 30. New Jersey
  • 31. New Jersey
  • 9. newyorská pechota, spoločnosť G: kpt. Charles Child: plukovník John S. Crocker
  • 147. New York: Maj Charles J. Whiting (5 spoločností): kpt. Royal T. Frank

Brigáda dobrovoľného inžiniera: BG Daniel Phineas Woodbury

  • 15. New York: plukovník John M. Murphy
  • 50. New York: Ltc William H. Pettes: kpt. James C. Duane
    : Kpt. Eliáš D. Taft
  • Batéria A, 1. prápor New York Light: kpt. Otto Diederichs
  • Batéria B, 1. prápor New York Light: kpt. Adolph Voegelee
  • Batéria C, 1. prápor New York Light: poručík Bernhard Wever
  • Batéria D, 1. prápor New York Light: kpt. Charles Kusserow: kpt. William M. Graham
  • Battery A, 2nd United States: Cpt John C. Tidball: Lt Marcus P. Miller: Lt David H. Kinzie
  • 32. pechota Massachusetts, spoločnosť C: kpt. Josiah C. Fuller

Nepripojené delostrelectvo: Maj Thomas S. Trumbull

Pravá veľká divízia Upraviť

II. Zbor Upraviť


BG John C. Caldwell (w)
Plukovník George W. Von Schack

    : Plukovník Edward E. Cross (w), Maj Edward E. Sturtevant (k), Kpt. James E. Larkin (w), Kpt. Horace T. H. Pierce: plukovník John E. Bendix (w), Podplukovník George W. von Schack, kpt. G. A. von Bransen: plukovník Nelson A. Miles (w): Ltc Enos C. Brooks (w): Plukovník H. Boyd McKeen (w), Kpt. William Wilson: plukovník Hiram L. Brown (w), Poručík David B. McCreary
    : Plukovník Richard Byrnes: poručík Richard C. Bentley (w), Maj Joseph O'Neill (w), Kpt. Patrick J. Condon: plukovník Robert Nugent (w), Kpt. James Saunders: plukovník Patrick Kelly: plukovník Dennis Heenan (w), Ltc St. Clair Augustine Mulholland (w), Poručík Francis T. Quinlan
    : Plukovník Richard S. Bostwick: plukovník William P. Bailey (w): Col Paul Paul: Ltc Alford B. Chapman (w), Maj N. Garrow Throop (mw), Kpt. James W. Britt: poručík James H. Bull (k), Kpt. Julius Wehle (k), Kpt. John S. Hammell (w), Poručík James G. Derrickson: plukovník John R. Brooke
    : Kpt. Rufus D. Pettit: poručík Evan Thomas
    : Plukovník Frederick D. Sewall, poručík Francis E. Heath: Maj Chase Philbrick (w), Kpt. John Murkland, kpt. Charles H. Watson: kpt. William Plumer: plukovník George N. Morgan: kpt. William F. Russell: plukovník James A. Sutter: por. James Huston


Plukovník Norman J. Hall (w)
Plukovník William R. Lee

    : Kpt. H. G. O. Weymouth (w): Kpt. George N. Macy: poručík Henry Baxter (w), Maj Thomas J. Hunt: Ltc George N. Bomford: Ltc William Northedge
  • 127. Pensylvánia: [3] plukovník William W. Jennings
    : Kpt. William A. Arnold: kpt. John G. Hazard


BG Nathan Kimball (w)
Plukovník John S. Mason

    : Maj Elijah H. C. Cavins
  • 24. New Jersey: plukovník William B. Robertson
  • 28. New Jersey: plukovník Moses N. Wisewell (w), Poručík E. A. L. Roberts: plukovník John S. Mason, poručík James H. Godman (w), Kpt. Gordon A. Stewart: poručík Franklin Sawyer: plukovník Joseph Snider (w), Poručík Jonathan H. Lockwood
    : Poručík Sanford H. Perkins (w), Kpt. Samuel H. Davis: poručík Charles J. Powers: plukovník Henry I. Zinn (k), Kpt. William M. Porter


Plukovník John W. Andrews [4]
Poručík William Jameson
Poručík John W. Marshall

    : Maj Thomas A. Smyth: plukovník John D. MacGregor (w), Ltc William Jameson, Maj Charles W. Kruger: plukovník John E. Bendix (w), Kpt. Salmon Winchester (mw), Kpt. George F. Hopper: [5] Ltc Charles Albright
    : Kpt. John D. Frank: kpt. Charles D. Owen

IX. Zbor Upraviť

  • 6. New York Cavalry, Company B: Cpt Hillman A. Hall
  • 6. New York Cavalry, Company C: Cpt William L. Heermance
    : Plukovník Henry Bowman: plukovník Thomas Welsh: poručík David A. Leckey
  • Batéria D, 1. svetlo New York: kpt. Thomas W. Osborn
  • Batteries L and M, 3rd United States: Lt Horace J. Hayden
    : Plukovník William S. Clark: Maj Sidney Willard (mw), Kpt. Stephen H. Andrews: plukovník Walter Harriman: plukovník Robert Brown Potter: plukovník John F. Hartranft
    : Kpt. Jacob Roemer: kpt. George W. Durell: kpt. William W. Buckley: por. George Dickenson (k), Poručík John Egan
    : Maj John E. Ward, kpt. Henry M. Hoyt: plukovník Griffin Alexander Stedman, ml.: Poručík Samuel Tolles: kpt. Charles L. Upham: plk. Arthur H. Dutton: por. Joseph B. Curtis (k), Maj Martin P. Buffum
    : Poručík Samuel N. Benjamin: poručík James Gillies

Úprava jazdeckej divízie

  • 6. New York Cavalry: Col Thomas C. Devin, Ltc Duncan McVicar: Ltc Amos E. Griffiths: Cpt George C. Cram
  • Battery M, 2nd United States: Lt Alexander C. M. Pennington, Jr.

Centrum Grand Division Upraviť

III. Zbor Upraviť

    : Col John Van Valkenburg: Maj John A. Danks: Col Andrew H. Tippin: Col Amor A. McKnight: Col Charles H. T. Collis: Col Henry J. Madill
    : Col Moses B. Lakeman: Col Elijah Walker
  • 38. New York: Ltc William Birney (w): Poručík Nelson A. Gesner (w): Plukovník Régis de Trobriand: plukovník Charles T. Campbell (w), Ltc Peter Sides: Col Asher S. Leidy (w), Poručík Edwin Ruthwin Biles
    : Col Thomas A. Roberts: Maj Moses B. Houghton: Ltc John Gilluly (k), Maj Edward T. Sherlock: plukovník J. Frederick Pierson: plukovník Samuel B. Hayman: plukovník George F. Chester
    : Ltc Clark B. Baldwin, Col Napoleon B. McLaughlen: Col William E. Blaisdell: Col Thomas R. Tannatt: Col Gilman Marston: Col Robert McAllister: Ltc Benjamin C. Tilghman
    : Kpt. A. Judson Clark
  • 4. batéria, New York Light: poručík Joseph E. Nairn
  • Battery H, 1st United States: Lt Justin E. Dimick: Lt Francis W. Seeley
    : Plukovník Joseph H. Potter: Maj James J. Byrne: plukovník Samuel M. Bowman: poručík James Crowther
  • 10. batéria, New York Light: kpt. John T. Bruen: kpt. Albert A. Von Puttkammer: por. George W. Norton

Úpravy V. zboru

    : Poručík George Varney (w), Maj Daniel F. Sargent
  • Massachusetts Sharpshooters, 2. Company: Cpt Lewis E. Wentworth: Ltc Joseph Hayes: Ltc William S. Tilton: Ltc Ira C. Abbott (w): Col Elisha Marshall (w), Poručík Francis A. Schoeffel: kpt. Patrick Connelly: poručík James Gwyn
    : Col Adelbert Ames, Ltc Joshua L. Chamberlain: Lt Jonas H. Titus Jr.: Ltc Norval E. Welch: Ltc Robert M. Richardson: Cpt John Vickers: Ltc Freeman Conner (w), Maj Edward B. Knox: Col Strong Vincent
    : Kpt. Augustus Pearl Martin
  • 5th Battery (E), Massachusetts Light: Cpt Charles A. Phillips: Cpt Richard Waterman: Lt Charles E. Hazlett
  • 1. Spojené štáty: Ltc Casper Trepp
    : Kpt. John D. Wilkins: kpt. Hiram Dryer, 1. prápor: kpt. Matthew M. Blunt
  • 12. Spojené štáty, 2. prápor: kpt. Thomas M. Anderson, 1. prápor: kpt. John D. O'Connell
  • 14. Spojené štáty americké, 2. prápor: kpt. Giles B. Overton


Maj George L. Andrews
Maj Charles S. Lovell

    a 2. Spojené štáty (prápor): Cpt Salem S. Marsh: Cpt Levi C. Bootes: Cpt David P. Hancock: Cpt Henry E. Maynadier: Cpt Charles S. Russell and 19th United States (battalion): Cpt John P. Wales
    : Col John B. Clark: Ltc William B. Shaut: Col Franklin B. Hovorca: Col Edward J. Allen
    : Poručík William H. Phillips
  • Batérie E a G, 1. Spojené štáty: kpt. Alanson Merwin Randol [13]
    : Plukovník Horace B. Sargent
  • 3. pennsylvánska kavaléria: poručík Edward S. Jones: plukovník James K. Kerr: kpt. James E. Harrison
  • Batérie B a L, 2. Spojené štáty: kpt. James M. Robertson

Úprava ľavej divízie

I Corps Edit

    : Ltc John McKie, Jr.: Ltc Samuel R. Beardsley: Ltc Morgan H. Chrysler: Ltc William H. de Bevoise: Maj Homer R. Stoughton


Kpt. George A. Gerrish (w)
Kpt. John A. Reynolds


BG John Gibbon (w)
BG Nelson Taylor

    : Ltc Charles W. Tilden: Maj John A. Kress: Maj Gilbert G. Prey: Maj Daniel A. Sharp (w), Kpt. Abraham Moore: plukovník Thomas F. McCoy


BG Nelson Taylor
Plukovník Samuel H. Leonard

    : Plukovník Samuel H. Leonard, poručík N. Walter Batchelder: kpt. John Hendrickson (w), Kpt. Joseph A. Moesch (w), Poručík Isaac E. Hoagland, poručík Henry P. Claire: plukovník Charles Wheelock: plukovník Richard Coulter (w), Kpt. Christian Kuhn: Maj David A. Griffith
    : Kpt. William C. Talley: plukovník William McCandless, kpt. Timothy Mealey: Maj Wellington H. Ent: kpt. Charles F. Taylor (w), Kpt. Edward Irvin (w): Col Chapman Biddle
    : Plukovník Horatio G. Sickel: poručík Richard H. Woolworth: plukovník Henry C. Bolinger (w): Maj Silas M. Baily: plukovník Robert P. Cummins
    : Plukovník Joseph W. Fisher, poručík George Dare (w), Maj Frank Zentemeyer (mw): Ltc Robert Anderson, Maj James M. Snodgrass: Maj James B. Knox: Ltc Samuel M. Jackson: Cpt Richard Gustin
    : Poručík John G. Simpson: kpt. James H. Cooper
  • Battery G, 1st Pennsylvania Light: kpt. Frank P. Amsden: kpt. Dunbar R. Ransom

Úpravy VI zboru

    , Spoločnosť L: poručík George Vanderbilt
  • 6. pennsylvánska kavaléria, spoločnosť I: kpt. James Starr
  • 6. pennsylvánska kavaléria, spoločnosť K: kpt. Frederick C. Newhall
    : Poručík Mark W. Collet: plukovník Samuel L. Buck: plukovník Henry W. Brown: plukovník William B. Hatch (w), Poručík James N. Duffy: poručík Edward L. Campbell: plukovník Henry O. Ryerson
    : Plukovník George R. Myers: poručík Leopold C. Newman: plukovník Francis E. Pinto: poručík Elisha Hall
    : Kpt. John W. Wolcott
  • 1. batéria (A), Massachusetts Light: kpt. William H. McCarthey: kpt. William Hexamer
  • Batéria D, 2. Spojené štáty: poručík Edward B. Williston
  • 26. New Jersey: plukovník Andrew J. Morrison: poručík Charles H. Joyce: plk. N. Hyde: plukovník Charles B. Stoughton: plukovník Lewis A. Grant: plk. Nathan Lord, ml.


BG Francis L. Vinton (w)
Plukovník Robert F. Taylor
BG Thomas H. Neill


Úvod

Táto stránka ponúka 3 nádherne detailné správy o 13. dobrovoľníkoch z Massachusetts v bitke pri Fredericksburgu. Tieto príbehy boli nedostupné, keď som uverejnil pôvodný príbeh v roku 2012. Nový materiál, ktorý je tu prezentovaný, spoločne poskytuje informácie súvisiace s 3 zo 4 smrteľných obetí, ktoré pluk utrpel v bitke. Sú nimi Charles Armstrong, C. J. Taylor a Edmond H. Kendall. (Informácie o štvrtej smrteľnej nehode, George E. Bigelow, sú uverejnené na stránke „Konec roka“ tohto webu). Tu najkomplexnejší detail nájdete v spomienkach súkromného Bourna Spoonera s názvom “In The Ranks. ” Poslal mi ho Maxine Glenn, priamy potomok súkromného Spoonera.

Maxine dokument prepísala z pôvodnej ručne písanej pamäte. Súkromný Spooner podrobne rozpráva svoje skúsenosti zo šarvátky.

Druhým novým zdrojom je príbeh z časopisu Bivouac vydaného v roku 1884, ktorý pravdepodobne napísal poručík Edward Rollins, spoločnosť D, veterán pluku, a jeden z troch redaktorov časopisu Bivouac. Táto anekdota opisuje zlovestný rozhovor Edmonda H. Kendalla s jeho priateľom Gilbertom H. Greenwoodom deň pred bitkou.

Treťou novou novinkou, ktorá je tu uverejnená, je novinový článok z Worcesteru v štáte Massachusetts, ktorý napísal veterán pluku v roku 1870. Obnovuje emocionálnu drámu, ktorú muži prežívali, keď sa blížila blížiaca sa bitka. Tento článok s názvom “ Prvá porážka vo Fredericksburgu ” otvára stránku.

Tu nájdené spomienky Sama Webstera a Johna S. Faya boli uverejnené na pôvodnej stránke Fredericksburgu na tomto webe v roku 2012, ale sú to rovnako pozoruhodné správy o pluku v bitke. Fay opisuje kradmý ústup armády Potomacu, späť cez rieku Rappahannock do bezpečia. Oddelenie 13. hromadnej hliadky pod velením majora J. P. Goulda patrilo k úplne posledným vojskám, ktoré sa mali znova dostať cez kríž, čím sa ukončilo ťaženie generála Burnsideho.

Poznámka k fotografiám

Táto stránka je ozdobená obrázkami fotografa Buddyho Secor.

Buddy Secor z Fredericksburgu mi v minulosti udelil povolenie používať jeho dielo. Ďalšie jeho obrázky si môžete pozrieť na flickri pod pseudonymom „ninja pix“. Buddy požičiava svoj talent americkej spoločnosti Battlefield Trust. Získal Veľkú cenu vo fotografickej súťaži Trust's 2012 a 2. miesto v roku 2010 na národnom festivale Cherry Blossom vo Washingtone, D.C.

Jeho strašidelné krajiny na farme Slaughter Pen, kde bojoval 13. Massachusetts, a jeho blízke portréty vojakov [re-enactors] výrazne prispievajú k rekreácii týchto dramatických udalostí a zodpovedajúcim emóciám vyvolaným vo príbehoch. Dielo presahuje estetiku tejto stránky.

Viac fotografií Buddyho nájdete tu: Ninja Pix.

OBRÁZKY NA OBRÁZKY: Všetky obrázky sú zo zbierky digitálnych obrázkov Kongresovej knižnice, s nasledujúcimi výnimkami: Turecko v lete od Wikimedia Commons ilustrácie Charlesa Reeda z digitálnych zbierok verejnej knižnice z New Yorku, [www.nypl.org] „Federálny útok na Slaughter Pen Farm "od Battles & amp Leaders of the Civil War, People's Pictoral Edition, Century Company, New York, 1894. Portrét súkromného Bourna Spoonera z Frohne's Historic Military Auctions, Oshkosh, Wisconsin Generál Nelsona Taylora pochádza z (dnes už neexistujúceho) webová stránka „Generáli a brhlíci“, http://www.generalsandbrevets.com/ngt/taylorn.htm Kapitán Augustine Harlow, Co. D, pochádza z Centra vzdelávania o armádnom dedičstve, databázy Digital Image, Mass. Kolekcia MOLLUS Obrázok Brushfire bol nájdené na dailygazette.com sprevádzajúce článok „Brushfire Season Arrived With A Vengeance.“ od Petera R. Barbera, 23. apríla 2018, desiatnik George Henry Hill z Hillovho potomka Carol Robbinsovej, ktorý poslal Alan Arno ld Ilustrácia troch vojakov skúmajúcich ich boľavé nohy od Frederica Remingtona je z Civil War Times Illustrated Fotografie značky bojiska pre Taylorovu brigádu nasnímala Susan Forbush, keď sme v roku 2012 spoločne absolvovali prehliadku bojiska, k fotografiám Buddyho Secora patria: pri západe slnka (dva obrázky), vojaci pri táboráku a posádka mosadznej batérie v akcii. VŠETKY OBRÁZKY boli UPRAVENÉ vo FOTOSHOPE.


Mapa Mapa bitky pri Chancellorsville vrátane operácií od 29. apríla do 5. mája 1863.

Mapy v materiáloch zbierok máp boli buď publikované pred rokom 1922, vyrobené vládou USA, alebo obidva (informácie o dátume vydania a zdroji nájdete v katalógových záznamoch, ktoré sú priložené k každej mape). Kongresová knižnica poskytuje prístup k týmto materiálom na vzdelávacie a výskumné účely a nie je si vedomá žiadnej ochrany autorských práv USA (pozri hlavu 17 kódexu USA) ani iných obmedzení v materiáloch zbierky máp.

Upozorňujeme, že na distribúciu, reprodukciu alebo iné použitie chránených položiek je potrebné písomné povolenie vlastníkov autorských práv a/alebo iných držiteľov práv (napríklad práva na publicitu a/alebo ochranu súkromia) nad rámec povolený spravodlivým použitím alebo inými zákonnými výnimkami. Zodpovednosť za nezávislé právne posúdenie položky a zabezpečenie všetkých potrebných povolení v konečnom dôsledku nesú osoby, ktoré chcú vec použiť.

Úverový rámec: Kongresová knižnica, geografia a mapová divízia.


Bitka pri Fredericksburgu

13. decembra 1862 odrazila generálna konfederácia Roberta E. Leeho Severná Virgínia sériu útokov potomskej armády generála Ambrosa Burnsideho vo Fredericksburgu vo Virgínii. Porážka bola jednou z najrozhodujúcejších prehier armády Únie a v zime 1862-63 spôsobila vážnu ranu severnej morálke.

Burnside prevzal velenie nad Potomacskou armádou v novembri 1862 po tom, čo George McClellan nedokázal prenasledovať Leeho do Virgínie po bitke pri Antietame v Marylande 17. septembra. Burnside okamžite vypracoval plán postupu proti hlavnému mestu Konfederácie v Richmonde vo Virgínii. To si vyžiadalo rýchly pochod federálov zo svojich pozícií v severnej Virgínii do Fredericksburgu na rieke Rappahannock. Burnside v tom mieste plánoval prekročiť rieku a potom pokračovať na juh.

Kampaň sa začala pre Úniu sľubne. Armáda sa rýchlo pohybovala po Rappahannocku, ale potom sa zastavila cez rieku od Fredericksburgu. Vzhľadom na zlé plnenie rozkazov nebol pontónový most na mieste niekoľko dní. Oneskorenie umožnilo Leeovi presunúť svoje jednotky na miesto pozdĺž výšin Marye nad Fredericksburgom. Spoločníci boli v bezpečí v potopenej ceste chránenej kamenným múrom, pozerajúc sa dolu na otvorené svahy, ktoré sa tiahli od okraja Fredericksburgu. Postoj Konfederácie bol taký silný, že jeden dôstojník rebelov tvrdil, že kuracie kura nemôže na tomto poli žiť, keď sa na ňom otvoríme. ”

Burnside sa aj tak rozhodol zaútočiť. 13. decembra vrhol 14 útokov proti konfederačným líniám. Napriek tomu, že delostrelectvo Únie pôsobilo proti povstalcom, 600 yardové pole bolo útočiskom pre útočiacich Yankees. Žiadni vojaci z Únie nedosiahli na múr na vrchole výšin Marye a niektorí sa k nemu dokonca dostali do 50 metrov. “ Je dobré, že vojna je taká strašná, inak by sme si ju mali príliš obľúbiť, ” Lee pozoroval generála Jamesa Longstreeta, keď sledovali krviprelievanie. Horká studená noc zmrazila mnoho ľudí v Únii mŕtvych a zranených.


Bitka pri Fredericksburgu a jej mnohé interpretácie

Sto stopäťdesiate tretie výročie bitky pri Fredericksburgu, ktorá sa odohrala od 11. do 15. decembra 1862, ponúka dôležité pripomenutie nielen obrovských nákladov občianskej vojny, ale aj to, že hlavné úspechy vojny a zachovanie Únie a emancipácia otrokov – nebola v žiadnom prípade nevyhnutná. Po porážke spoločníkov v bitkách pri Antietame, Perryville a Korinte sily Únie na jeseň roku 1862 obnovili svoje útoky proti Richmondu, Chattanooge a Vicksburgu. Napriek tomu sa každé z týchto snáh ukázalo byť sklamaním a nákladné. V severných štátoch rástlo zúfalstvo a nelojálnosť. Pre Lincolnovu administratívu bola politická situácia odrádzajúca, pretože republikáni utrpeli na jeseň 1862 vo voľbách vážne straty.

To, čo predstavovalo zdanlivú patovú situáciu vo východnom divadle vojny, viedlo prezidenta Abrahama Lincolna k nahradeniu generála Georga B. McClellana generálom Ambrose E. Burnsideom ako veliteľom potomskej armády v novembri 1862. Napriek tomu armáda Potomacu zostala plná s lojalistami McClellanom a generál Joseph Hooker otvorene hľadal prvé miesto. Burnside jasne chápal, že jeho predchodca bol odstránený, pretože nebol dostatočne agresívny, a cítil politický tlak, aby zasadil úder generálovi konfederácie Robertovi E. Leeovi. Generál Únie navrhol presunúť sa do Fredericksburgu vo Virgínii, pred útokom proti Richmondu. Burnside pochodoval so svojou armádou úžasných štyridsať míľ za dva dni a nechal Lee hádať o zámeroch Únie. Potom sa však ofenzíva zasekla, pretože byrokratické bifľovanie oddialilo príchod pontónov potrebných na premostenie rieky Rappahannock. Oneskorenie umožnilo Leeovi sústrediť svoje sily a vytvoriť silné obranné pozície.

11. decembra skoro ráno inžinieri spoločnosti Burnside konečne začali klásť pontónové mosty cez Rappahannock. Odborové delostrelectvo bombardovalo Konfederáciu a brigáda Únie prekročila rieku a zapojila nepriateľa. Nakoniec vyhnali obrancov Konfederácie a#8211, hoci nie bez poriadnych pouličných bojov, čo je počas americkej občianskej vojny zriedkavá udalosť. Nasledujúcich niekoľko dní vojaci Únie dôkladne vyhodili Fredericksburg.

13. decembra Burnside nariadil generálovi Williamovi B. Franklinovi, aby zaútočil na konfederačné právo. Nedopadlo to dobre. Neopatrne vypracované rozkazy, zmätok v cestnej sieti a Franklinova vlastná iniciatíva viedli najskôr k zdržaniu a potom k slabému útoku, ktorý do značnej miery vykonávala jediná divízia. Medzitým si Burnside v domnení, že Franklin dosiahol oveľa väčší úspech ako on, objednal útoky proti ľavici Konfederácie, aby odohnal Rebelov z Mayrových výšin v zadnej časti Fredericksburgu. Dobre umiestnená delostrelecká paľba Konfederácie a to, čo niektorí účastníci opísali ako „plameňový plameň“ od vojakov umiestnených za kamenným múrom, všetky tieto útoky odhodilo. Ďalšie útoky pokračovali po zvyšok dňa a vojaci Konfederácie ich všetkých odrazili, čo spôsobilo veľké straty jednotkám Únie. Do súmraku zaútočilo na konfederačnú ľavicu sedemnásť rôznych brigád Únie. Stovky mužov zostali uväznené na poli uprostred kriku svojich zranených a umierajúcich kamarátov.

Niekoľko generálov muselo Burnsideovi prehovoriť, aby v nasledujúci deň viedol svoj milovaný deviaty zbor v zúfalom útoku, ale do 16. decembra stiahol potomkovskú armádu z Fredericksburgu. Na jeho stranu Lee trpezlivo čakal a očakával ďalší útok Únie. Bol zúrivý z toho, že Yankeeovci ušli a boli frustrovaní z toho, čo on a Stonewall Jackson neskôr budú považovať za neúplné, ak nie prázdne víťazstvo.

Napriek tomu, že si bitka vyžiadala viac ako 5 000 obetí, Federali stratili takmer 13 000 mužov. Pohrebné prímerie, masové hroby, provizórne poľné nemocnice a chirurgia vykonávaná pri sviečkach by znamenali, že pamiatky, zvuky a pachy bitky zostanú vryť do myslí vojakov na oboch stranách aj v nasledujúcich rokoch. Dlhé zoznamy mŕtvych a zranených (často neúplné a nepresné) čoskoro zaplnili novinové stĺpčeky.

Správy o bitke prichádzali rýchlo a často nepresne telegraficky. Horace Greeleyho New York Tribune divoko tvrdil, že Burnside „generalizoval“ Leeho pri stiahnutí svojej armády z Fredericksburgu. Vianočný úvodník dodal, že okrem obetí sa vo Fredericksburgu stratilo len málo. Zostalo to pre TribúnaTrpký súper, New York Herald“, aby uviedol zrejmé, aj keď nie bez radosti:„ V tento vianočný čas, keď dobré víly napĺňajú vzduch, sa len ťažko môžeme čudovať náhlemu zázraku, ktorý nám ukázal aféru Fredericksburg v skutočnom svetle a dal nám príležitosť na národná radosť namiesto národného smútku. “ Upokojení republikánski senátori sa presťahovali, aby sa zbavili štátneho tajomníka Williama H. ​​Sewarda, v ktorom videli zlého génia, ktorý bránil vláde úspešne stíhať vojnu, hoci Lincoln dokázal nasledujúcu krízu v kabinete šikovne zvládnuť. The Časy Londýna predvídal blížiaci sa pád americkej republiky. Prudký nárast cien zlata (vtedajší ekvivalent Dow Jonesovho priemyselného priemeru) odrážal tmu z Fredericksburgu. Existovali značné špekulácie, a to aj od abolicionistiek Harriet Beecher Stowe a Fredericka Douglassa, že Lincoln by dokonca mohol zdržať vydanie konečného vyhlásenia emancipácie.

Novo povzbudení mieroví demokrati „Copperhead“ sa zabávali o slovách ako „porážka“ a „mäsiarstvo“. Vojaci z Potomacskej armády a ľudia na severe spravidla stratili vieru v príčinu, hľadali ľudí, ktorí by mohli viniť zničujúcu stratu vo Fredericksburgu, a povzbudzovali zvesti o zahraničnej mediácii, ktoré opäť začali kolovať. Vina za katastrofu padla na Burnsideho alebo na generálneho generála Henryho W. Hallecka alebo na ministra vojny Edwina M. Stantona alebo na Lincolna a dokonca zazneli výzvy na vrátenie McClellana. Burnside prevzal plnú zodpovednosť za zlyhanie vo Fredericksburgu, hoci Lincoln vydal bizarný list, v ktorom naznačil, že zlyhanie bolo väčšinou „nehodou“ a blahoželal armáde k tomu, že obete boli „pomerne malé“. Morálka v Potomacskej armáde dosiahla nové minimá a nasledovala vlna dezercií.

Napriek tomu sa táto veľmi sužovaná bojová sila ukázala ako mimoriadne odolná. Jeden poručík pripustil, že niektorí z mužov možno bezprostredne po bitke „preklínali hviezdy a pruhy“, ale „tí istí vojaci budú bojovať ako býci, pokiaľ ide o škriabanie“. Na reptajúcich veteránov sa skutočne dalo „viac spoľahnúť“. Tento vojak veril, že najrýchlejší spôsob, ako ukončiť vojnu, je dať Rebom dobré bičovanie a umlčať „krokodílov“ doma. Konfederácia medzitým priniesla relatívne ľahké víťazstvo nebezpečné prílišné sebavedomie. Fredericksburg bol v mnohých ohľadoch zavádzajúcim nízkym bodom federálneho bohatstva a rovnako klamlivým najvyšším bodom pre spoločníkov.

Nech už bolo zúfalstvo, zmätok a zbožné želanie akékoľvek, niekoľko súčasníkov pochybovalo o význame bitky. Clara Barton zamierila na juh, aby pomohla zraneným Louisa May Alcottová začala pracovať ako zdravotná sestra vo washingtonskej nemocnici. Walt Whitman cestoval do Falmouthu, aby sa postaral o to, že jeho zranený brat Herman Melville napísal báseň. V Londýne Karl Marx zanevrel na vojenskú neschopnosť a Henry Adams si dal odvahu postaviť sa ďalšej katastrofe v Únii. Na vojne a dokonca aj na tejto bitke nejako záležalo každému – od frenológa, ktorý ponúkal smiešne hlúpe čítanie Burnsideovej postavy vytrvalému redaktorovi Scientific American ktorý obviňoval politikov a generálov z problémov národa.

Vojna bude trvať takmer dva a pol roka. A vo svete, kde podľa slov apoštola Pavla často „vidíme temne cez sklo“, by bitka pri Fredericksburgu mohla dobre poslúžiť ako zdravá pripomienka našich ľudských silných stránok, a čo je dôležitejšie, aj celého nášho sveta- ľudské obmedzenia.


Americké občianske vojnové bojiská: vtedy a teraz

Vojna, ktorá navždy zmenila americkú sociálnu krajinu, zasiahla aj jej fyzickú. Pozrite sa na niektoré z najznámejších bojísk v histórii americkej občianskej vojny a na to, ako vyzerajú dnes.

Little Round Top je jedným z dvoch najvýznamnejších kopcov južne od Gettysburgu v Pensylvánii. Počas druhého dňa bitky v roku 1863 sa kopec stal ústredným bodom bokových útokov Roberta E. Leeho na jednotky Únie. Generálmajor Gouverneur K. Warren, hlavný inžinier Potomacskej armády, vyrazil so svojimi jednotkami Únie na vrchol kopca a v pravý čas získal prevahu proti spoločníkom. Boj o Little Round Top bol neuveriteľne tvrdý, pričom pri prvom protiútoku konfederácie zasiahla guľka smrteľne úderného plukovníka Únie Silného Vincenta. Jeho posledné slová boli údajne: „Nedávajte ani centimeter“. Južní ostrostrelci boli úspešní pri vyzbrojení niekoľkých vysokých dôstojníkov Únie v snahe uvrhnúť obranu Little Round Top do chaosu. Jednotkám Únie sa však podarilo zabiť viac ako dvakrát toľko konfederátov, ako sa stratilo z ich vlastných radov.

Chancellorsville

Po debakli Únie v bitke pri Fredericksburgu bol Juh pripravený na súčasný úspech v podobe „Leeho najväčšieho víťazstva“ a porážky v podobe zániku muža, ktorého mnohí považovali za najlepšieho generála Konfederácie, Stonewalla Jacksona. K obidvom udalostiam došlo v bitke pri Chancellorsville. Leeova armáda Severnej Virgínie v počte viac ako dvoch na jedného čelila Josephovi Hookerovi a tomu, čo nazýval „najlepšia armáda na planéte“. Práve Hookerova dôvera v túto armádu sa ukázala ako jeho pád v Chancellorsville. Keď Hooker zastavil, aby čakal na posily, Stonewall Jackson a mdashfamous sa preslávili svojim sľubom vo Fredericksburgu „zabiť každého posledného muža“ a prevzali iniciatívu, pričom zahájili útok napriek tomu, že boli výrazne v menšine. Jeho činy diktovali udalosti bitky pri Chancellorsville, pretože prinútili Hookerovu armádu bojovať za podmienok konfederácie. Počas jedného zo svojich mnohých obvinení proti líniám Únie Jackson stratil ruku a neskôr na následky zranení zomrel. Juh stratil svojho najhorlivejšieho veliteľa.

Chickamauga

Len Gettysburg mal za následok ďalšie obete. Najkrvavejšia bitka občianskej vojny, ktorá sa odohrala na juhu, v dňoch 18.-20. septembra 1863 prišlo o život alebo o život 34 000 Američanov v meste Chickamauga.

Bull Run & fraslPrvé Manassas

V prvej veľkej pozemnej bitke vo Virgínii sa v Bull Run zúčastnilo viac ako 60 000 vojakov. Neúprosné boje plukovníka Thomasa Jacksona na Henry House Hill mu priniesli prezývku „Stonewall“. Neskoré kavalérske obvinenie plukovníka Konfederácie Jeba Browna spôsobilo, že sa sily Únie potácali. Konfederačná delostrelecká paľba ešte viac chaoticky ustúpila na ceste k pandémiu. Najhoršou vecou na ústupe Únie však boli davy prizerajúcich sa ľudí, ktorí sa prišli pozrieť na podívanú z Washingtonu.

Fredericksburg

Len dva dni po prevzatí velenia nad Potomacskou armádou od opatrného Georga McClellana generál Ambrose Burnside opustil pomalé tempo svojho predchodcu v prospech úplného šprintu do Fredericksburgu, kde by úspešná kampaň prerušila dodávky konfederácie z Richmondu a uľahčiť prechod dodávok Únie z Washingtonu jedným ťahom. Robert E. Lee rozdelil svoju armádu Severnej Virgínie, pretože McClellan odmietol zaútočiť na Fredericksburg, pričom jeho boky zostali nechránené a mesto bolo zraniteľné. Kým sa však Burnside mohol dostať do obkľúčenia mesta, musel najskôr prebrodiť rieku Rappahannock. Zlé počasie a neefektívna byrokracia znamenali, že v čase, keď pre Burnsideovu armádu dorazilo potrebné pontónové vybavenie, už dorazili posily pre Leeho. Pretože Burnsideov plán závisel od plynulého, bezvýhradného prechodu cez rieku, sily Únie boli pred bitkou odsúdené k zániku. Do jeho konca bolo spočítaných 17 929 obetí.

Tento článok sa nachádza v Newsweeknová kniha, "Lincoln: O 150 rokov neskôr," od redaktora vydania Tima Bakera zo spoločnosti Topix Media Lab.


Bitka

Prejazd cez Rappahannock, 11. december 󈝸

Odboroví inžinieri začali montovať šesť pontónových mostov pred svitaním 11. decembra, dva severne od centra mesta, tretí na južnom konci mesta a tri južnejšie, blízko sútoku Rappahannock a Deep Run. Inžinieri, ktorí most stavali priamo oproti mestu, sa ocitli pod trestom paľby ostrostrelcov Konfederácie, predovšetkým z brigády Mississippi brig. Generál William Barksdale, veliteľ obrany mesta. Odborové delostrelectvo sa pokúsilo vytlačiť ostrostrelcov, ale ich pozície v pivniciach domov spôsobili, že paľba zo 150 zbraní bola väčšinou neúčinná. Nakoniec Burnsideov veliteľ delostrelectva brig. Generál Henry J. Hunt ho presvedčil, aby vyslal výsadkové jednotky pechoty na pontónové člny, aby zaistili malú predmostie a zneškodnili ostrostrelcov. Na túto úlohu sa dobrovoľne prihlásil brigádu plukovník Norman J. Hall. Burnside sa zrazu zdráhal a zdráhal sa, keď na Halla pred svojimi mužmi lamentoval, že „toto úsilie znamenalo smrť pre väčšinu tých, ktorí by sa mali na cestu vydať“. Keď jeho muži odpovedali na Hallovu požiadavku s tromi jasotmi, Burnside ustúpil. O 15. hodine zahájilo delostrelectvo Únie prípravné bombardovanie a do malých člnov sa natlačilo 135 pešiakov zo 7. Michiganu a 19. Massachusetts. Úspešne prešli a rozložili sa v šarvátke, aby vyčistili ostrostrelcov. Aj keď sa niektorí spoločníci vzdali, boje pokračovali mestom po uliciach, keď inžinieri dokončovali mosty. Sumnerova pravá veľká divízia začala prechádzať o 16:30, ale väčšina jeho mužov neprešla až do 12. decembra. Veľká divízia Hookerovej centra prešla 13. decembra pomocou severného aj južného mosta.

Čistenie mestských budov Sumnerovou pechotou a delostreleckou paľbou spoza rieky začalo prvý veľký mestský boj vojny. Odboroví strelci poslali proti mestu a hrebeňom na západ viac ako 5 000 granátov. Do zotmenia obsadili mesto štyri brigády vojsk Únie, ktoré vyplienili zúrivosťou, ktorá sa dovtedy vo vojne nevidela. Toto správanie rozzúrilo Leeho, ktorý porovnal ich prednosti s dávnymi Vandalmi. Zničenie rozhnevalo aj konfederačné jednotky, z ktorých mnohí boli pôvodnými Virginiánmi. Mnohí na strane Únie boli tiež šokovaní zničením spôsobeným Fredericksburgovi. Civilian casualties were unusually sparse in the midst of such widespread violence George Rable estimates no more than four civilian deaths.

River crossings south of the city by Franklin's Left Grand Division were much less eventful. Both bridges were completed by 11 a.m. on December 11 while five batteries of Union artillery suppressed most sniper fire against the engineers. Franklin was ordered at 4 p.m. to cross his entire command, but only a single brigade was sent out before dark. Crossings resumed at dawn and were completed by 1 p.m. on December 12. Early on December 13, Jackson recalled his divisions under Jubal Early and D.H. Hill from down river positions to join his main defensive lines south of the city.

Burnside's verbal instructions on December 12 outlined a main attack by Franklin, supported by Hooker, on the southern flank, while Sumner made a secondary attack on the northern. His actual orders on December 13 were vague and confusing to his subordinates. O 17. hodine on December 12, he made a cursory inspection of the southern flank, where Franklin and his subordinates pressed him to give definite orders for a morning attack by the grand division, so they would have adequate time to position their forces overnight. However, Burnside demurred and the order did not reach Franklin until 7:15 or 7:45 a.m. When it arrived, it was not as Franklin expected. Rather than ordering an attack by the entire grand division of almost 60,000 men, Franklin was to keep his men in position, but was to send "a division at least" to seize the high ground (Prospect Hill) around Hamilton's Crossing, Sumner was to send one division through the city and up Telegraph Road, and both flanks were to be prepared to commit their entire commands. Burnside was apparently expecting these weak attacks to intimidate Lee, causing him to withdraw. Unfortunately, Franklin, who had originally advocated a vigorous assault, chose to interpret Burnside's order very conservatively. Brig. Gen. James A. Hardie, who delivered the order, did not ensure that Burnside's intentions were understood by Franklin, and map inaccuracies about the road network made those intentions unclear. Furthermore, Burnside's choice of the verb "to seize" was less forceful in 19th century military terminology than an order "to carry" the heights.

South of the city, December 13

Franklin ordered his I Corps commander, Maj. Gen. John F. Reynolds, to select a division for the attack. Reynolds chose his smallest division, about 4,500 men commanded by Maj. Gen. George G. Meade , and assigned Brig. Gen. John Gibbon's division to support Meade's attack. His reserve division, under Maj. Gen. Abner Doubleday, was to face south and protect the left flank between the Richmond Road and the river. Meade's division began moving out 8:30 a.m. in a dense morning fog, which would not begin to lift until 10 a.m., with Gibbon's division following on its right rear. They moved parallel to the river initially, turning right to face the Richmond Road, where they began to be struck by enfilading fire from the Virginia Horse Artillery under Major John Pelham. Pelham started with two cannons—a 12-pounder Napoleon smoothbore and a rifled Blakely—but continued with only one after the latter was disabled by counter-battery fire. "Jeb" Stuart sent word to Pelham that he should feel free to withdraw from his dangerous position at any time, to which Pelham responded, "Tell the General I can hold my ground." The Iron Brigade (formerly Gibbon's command, but now led by Brig. Gen. Solomon Meredith) was sent out to deal with the Confederate horse artillery. This action was mainly conducted by the 24th Michigan Infantry , a newly enlisted regiment that had joined the brigade in October. After about an hour, Pelham's ammunition began to run low and he withdrew. General Lee observed the action and commented about Pelham, age 24, "It is glorious to see such courage in one so young." The most prominent victim of Pelham's fire was Brig. Gen. George D. Bayard, a cavalry general mortally wounded by a shell while standing in reserve near Franklin's headquarters. Jackson's main artillery batteries had remained silent in the fog during this exchange, but the Union troops soon began to receive direct fire from Prospect Hill, principally five batteries directed by Lt. Col. Reuben Lindsay Walker, and Meade's attack was stalled about 600 yards from his initial objective for almost two hours by these combined artillery attacks.

The Union artillery fire was lifted as Meade's men moved forward around 1 p.m. Jackson's force of about 35,000 remained concealed on the wooded ridge to Meade's front. His formidable defensive line had an unforeseen flaw. In A.P. Hill's division's line, a triangular patch of the woods that extended beyond the railroad was swampy and covered with thick underbrush and the Confederates had left a 600-yard gap there between the brigades of Brig. Gens. James H. Lane and James J. Archer. Brig. Gen. Maxcy Gregg's brigade stood about a quarter mile behind the gap. Meade's 1st Brigade (Col. William Sinclair) entered the gap, climbed the railroad embankment, and turned right into the underbrush, striking Lane's brigade in the flank. Following immediately behind, his 3rd Brigade (Brig. Gen. Feger Jackson) turned left and hit Archer's flank. The 2nd Brigade (Col. Albert L. Magilton) came up in support and intermixed with the leading brigades. As the gap widened with pressure on the flanks, thousands of Meade's men reached the top of the ridge and ran into Gregg's brigade. Many of these Confederates had stacked arms while taking cover from Union artillery and were not expecting to be attacked at that moment, so were killed or captured unarmed. Gregg at first mistook the Union soldiers for fleeing Confederate troops and ordered his men not to fire on them. While he rode prominently in front of his lines, the partially deaf Gregg could not hear the approaching Federals or their bullets flying around him. He was shot through the spinal cord, dying two days later.

Confederate reserves—the divisions of Brig. Gens. Jubal A. Early and William B. Taliaferro—moved into the fray from behind Gregg's original position. Inspired by their attack, regiments from Lane's and Archer's brigades rallied and formed a new defensive line in the gap. Now Meade's men were receiving fire from three sides and could not withstand the pressure. Feger Jackson attempted to flank a Confederate battery, but after his horse was shot and he began to lead on foot, he was shot in the head by a volley and his brigade fell back, leaderless (Col. Joseph W. Fisher soon replaced Jackson in command).

To Meade's right, Gibbon's division prepared to move forward at 1 p.m. Brig. Gen. Nelson Taylor proposed to Gibbon that they supplement Meade's assault with a bayonet charge against Lane's position. However, Gibbon stated that this would violate his orders, so Taylor's brigade did not move forward until 1:30 p.m. The attack did not have the benefit of a gap to exploit, nor did the Union soldiers have any wooded cover for their advance, so progress was slow under heavy fire from Lane's brigade and Confederate artillery. Immediately following Taylor was the brigade of Col. Peter Lyle, and the advance of the two brigades ground to a halt before they reached the railroad. Committing his reserve at 1:45 p.m., Gibbon sent forward his brigade under Col. Adrian R. Root, which moved through the survivors of the first two brigades, but they were soon brought to a halt as well. Eventually some of the Federals reached the crest of the ridge and had some success during hand-to-hand fighting—men on both sides had depleted their ammunition and resorted to bayonets and rifle butts, and even empty rifles with bayonets thrown like javelins—but they were forced to withdraw back across the railroad embankment along with Meade's men to their left. Gibbon's attack, despite heavy casualties, had failed to support Meade's temporary breakthrough.

My God, General Reynolds, did they think my division could whip Lee's whole army?

After the battle Meade complained that some of Gibbon's officers had not charged quickly enough. But his primary frustration was with Brig. Gen. David B. Birney, whose division of the III Corps had been designated to support the attack as well. Birney claimed that his men had been subjected to damaging artillery fire as they formed up, that he had not understood the importance of Meade's attack, and that Reynolds had not ordered his division forward. When Meade galloped to the rear to confront Birney with a string of fierce profanities that, in the words of one staff lieutenant, "almost makes the stones creep," he was finally able to order the brigadier forward under his own responsibility, but harbored resentment for weeks. By this time, however, it was too late to accomplish any further offensive action.

Early's division began a counterattack, led initially by Col. Edmund N. Atkinson's Georgia brigade, which inspired the men from the brigades of Col. Robert Hoke, Brig. Gen. James J. Archer, and Col. John M. Brockenbrough to charge forward out of the railroad ditches, driving Meade's men from the woods in a disorderly retreat, followed closely by Gibbon's. Early's orders to his brigades were to pursue as far as the railroad, but in the chaos many kept up the pressure over the open fields as far as the old Richmond Road, where they were easier targets for Union artillery fire. The Confederates were also struck by the leading brigade of Birney's belated advance, commanded by Brig. Gen. J. H. Hobart Ward. Birney followed up with the brigades of Brig. Gens. Hiram G. Berry and John C. Robinson, which broke the Rebel advance that had threatened to drive the Union into the river. Any further Confederate advance was deterred by the arrival of the III Corps division of Brig. Gen. Daniel E. Sickles on the right. General Burnside, who by this time was focused on his attacks on Marye's Heights, was dismayed that his left flank attack had not achieved the success he assumed earlier in the day. He ordered Franklin to "advance his right and front," but despite repeated entreaties, Franklin refused, claiming that all of his forces had been engaged. This was not true, however, as the entire VI Corps and Brig. Gen. Abner Doubleday's division of the I Corps had been mostly idle, suffering only a few casualties from artillery fire while they waited in reserve.

It is well that war is so terrible, or we should grow too fond of it.

The Confederates withdrew back to the safety of the hills south of town. Stonewall Jackson considered mounting a resumed counterattack, but the Federal artillery and impending darkness changed his mind. A fortuitous Union breakthrough had been wasted because Franklin did not reinforce Meade's success with some of the 20,000 men standing in reserve. Neither Franklin nor Reynolds took any personal involvement in the battle, and were unavailable to their subordinates at the critical point. Franklin's losses were about 5,000 casualties in comparison to Stonewall Jackson's 3,400, demonstrating the ferocity of the fighting. Skirmishing and artillery duels continued until dark, but no additional major attacks took place, while the center of the battle moved north to Marye's Heights.

Marye's Heights, December 13

On the northern end of the battlefield, Brig. Gen. William H. French's division of the II Corps prepared to move forward, subjected to Confederate artillery fire that was descending on the fog-covered city of Fredericksburg. General Burnside's orders to Maj. Gen. Edwin V. Sumner , commander of the Right Grand Division, was to send "a division or more" to seize the high ground to the west of the city, assuming that his assault on the southern end of the Confederate line would be the decisive action of the battle. The avenue of approach was difficult—mostly open fields, but interrupted by scattered houses, fences, and gardens that would restrict the movement of battle lines. A canal stood about 200 yards west of the town, crossed by three narrow bridges, which would require the Union troops to funnel themselves into columns before proceeding. About 600 yards to the west of Fredericksburg was the low ridge known as Marye's Heights, rising 40󈞞 feet above the plain. (Although popularly known as Marye's Heights, the ridge was composed of several hills separated by ravines, from north to south: Taylor's Hill, Stansbury Hill, Marye's Hill, and Willis Hill.) Near the crest of the portion of the ridge comprising Marye's Hill and Willis Hill, a narrow lane in a slight cut—the Telegraph Road, known after the battle as the Sunken Road—was protected by a 4-foot stone wall, enhanced in places with log breastworks and abatis, making it a perfect infantry defensive position. Confederate Maj. Gen. Lafayette McLaws initially had about 2,000 men on the front line of Marye's Heights and there were an additional 7,000 men in reserve on the crest and behind the ridge. Massed artillery provided almost uninterrupted coverage of the plain below. General Longstreet had been assured by his artillery commander, Lt. Col. Edward Porter Alexander, "General, we cover that ground now so well that we will comb it as with a fine-tooth comb. A chicken could not live on that field when we open on it."

The fog lifted from the town around 10 a.m. and Sumner gave his order to advance an hour later. French's brigade under Brig. Gen. Nathan Kimball began to move around noon. They advanced slowly through heavy artillery fire, crossed the canal in columns over the narrow bridges, and formed in line, with fixed bayonets, behind the protection of a shallow bluff. In perfect line of battle, they advanced up the muddy slope until they were cut down at about 125 yards from the stone wall by repeated rifle volleys. Some soldiers were able to get as close as 40 yards, but having suffered severe casualties from both the artillery and infantry fire, the survivors clung to the ground. Kimball was severely wounded during the assault, and his brigade suffered 25% casualties. French's brigades under Col. John W. Andrews and Col. Oliver H. Palmer followed, with casualty rates of almost 50%.

Sumner's original order called for the division of Brig. Gen. Winfield S. Hancock to support French and Hancock sent forward his brigade under Col. Samuel K. Zook behind Palmer's. They met a similar fate. Next was his Irish Brigade under Brig. Gen. Thomas F. Meagher . By coincidence, they attacked the area defended by fellow Irishmen of Col. Robert McMillan's 24th Georgia Infantry. One Confederate who spotted the green regimental flags approaching cried out, "Oh God, what a pity! Here comes Meagher's fellows." But McMillan exhorted his troops: "Give it to them now, boys! Now's the time! Give it to them!" Hancock's final brigade was led by Brig. Gen. John C. Caldwell. Leading his two regiments on the left, Col. Nelson A. Miles suggested to Caldwell that the practice of marching in formation, firing, and stopping to reload, made the Union soldiers easy targets, and that a concerted bayonet charge might be effective in carrying the works. Caldwell denied permission. Miles was struck by a bullet in the throat as he led his men to within 40 yards of the wall, where they were pinned down as their predecessors had been. Caldwell himself was soon struck by two bullets and put out of action.

The commander of the II Corps, Maj. Gen. Darius N. Couch, was dismayed at the carnage wrought upon his two divisions in the hour of fighting and, like Col. Miles, realized that the tactics were not working. He first considered a massive bayonet charge to overwhelm the defenders, but as he surveyed the front, he quickly realized that French's and Hancock's divisions were in no shape to move forward again. He next planned for his final division, commanded by Maj. Gen. Oliver O. Howard, to swing to the right and attempt to envelop the Confederate left, but upon receiving urgent requests for help from French and Hancock, he sent Howard's men over and around the fallen troops instead. The brigade of Col. Joshua Owen went in first, reinforced by Col. Norman J. Hall's brigade, and then two regiments of Brig. Gen. Alfred Sully's brigade. The other corps in Sumner's grand division was the IX Corps, and he sent in one of its divisions under Brig. Gen. Samuel Sturgis . After two hours of desperate fighting, four Union divisions had failed in the mission Burnside had originally assigned to one. Casualties were heavy: II Corps losses for the afternoon were 4,114, Sturgis's division 1,011.

While the Union Army paused, Longstreet reinforced his line so that there were four ranks of infantrymen behind the stone wall. Brig. Gen. Thomas R. R. Cobb of Georgia, who had commanded the key sector of the line, was mortally wounded by a sniper's bullet and was replaced by Brig. Gen. Joseph B. Kershaw. General Lee expressed concerns to Longstreet about the massing troops breaking his line, but Longstreet assured his commander, "General, if you put every man on the other side of the Potomac on that field to approach me over the same line, and give me plenty of ammunition, I will kill them all before they reach my line."

By midafternoon, Burnside had failed on both flanks to make progress against the Confederates. Rather than reconsidering his approach in the face of heavy casualties, he stubbornly decided to continue on the same path. He sent orders to Franklin to renew the assault on the left (which, as described earlier, the Left Grand Division commander ignored) and ordered his Center Grand Division, commanded by Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker, to cross the Rappahannock into Fredericksburg and continue the attack on Marye's Heights. Hooker performed a personal reconnaissance (something that neither Burnside nor Sumner had done, both remaining east of the river during the failed assaults) and returned to Burnside's headquarters to advise against the attack.

Brig. Gen. Daniel Butterfield, commanding Hooker's V Corps, while waiting for Hooker to return from his conference with Burnside, sent his division under Brig. Gen. Charles Griffin to relieve Sturgis's men. By this time, Maj. Gen. George Pickett's Confederate division and one of Maj. Gen. John Bell Hood's brigades had marched north to reinforce Marye's Heights. Griffin smashed his three brigades against the Confederate position, one by one. Also concerned about Sturgis, Couch sent the six guns of Capt. John G. Hazard's Battery B, 1st Rhode Island Light Artillery, to within 150 yards of the Confederate line. They were hit hard by Confederate sharpshooter and artillery fire and provided no effective relief to Sturgis.

A soldier in Hancock's division reported movement in the Confederate line that led some to believe that the enemy might be retreating. Despite the unlikeliness of this supposition, the V Corps division of Brig. Gen. Andrew A. Humphreys was ordered to attack and capitalize on the situation. Humphreys led his first brigade on horseback, with his men moving over and around fallen troops with fixed bayonets and unloaded rifles some of the fallen men clutched at the passing pant legs, urging their comrades not to go forward, causing the brigade to become disorganized in their advance. The charge reached to within 50 yards before being cut down by concentrated rifle fire. Brig. Gen. George Sykes was ordered to move forward with his V Corps regular army division to support Humphreys's retreat, but his men were caught in a crossfire and pinned down.

By 4 p.m., Hooker had returned from his meeting with Burnside, having failed to convince the commanding general to abandon the attacks. While Humphreys was still attacking, Hooker reluctantly ordered the IX Corps division of Brig. Gen. George W. Getty to attack as well, but this time to the leftmost portion of Marye's Heights, Willis Hill. Col. Rush Hawkins's brigade, followed by Col. Edward Harland's brigade, moved along an unfinished railroad line just north of Hazel Run, approaching close to the Confederate line without detection in the gathering twilight, but they were eventually detected, fired on, and repulsed.

Seven Union divisions had been sent in, generally one brigade at a time, for a total of fourteen individual charges, all of which failed, costing them from 6,000 to 8,000 casualties. Confederate losses at Marye's Heights totaled around 1,200. The falling of darkness and the pleas of Burnside's subordinates were enough to put an end to the attacks. Longstreet later wrote, "The charges had been desperate and bloody, but utterly hopeless." Thousands of Union soldiers spent the cold December night on the fields leading to the heights, unable to move or assist the wounded because of Confederate fire. That night, Burnside attempted to blame his subordinates for the disastrous attacks, but they argued that it was entirely his fault and no one else's.

Lull and withdrawal, December 14󈝻

During a dinner meeting the evening of December 13, Burnside dramatically announced that he would personally lead his old IX Corps in one final attack on Marye's Heights, but his generals talked him out of it the following morning. The armies remained in position throughout the day on December 14. That afternoon, Burnside asked Lee for a truce to attend to his wounded, which the latter graciously granted. The next day the Federal forces retreated across the river, and the campaign came to an end.

Testament to the extent of the carnage and suffering during the battle was the story of Richard Rowland Kirkland, a Confederate Army sergeant with Company G, 2nd South Carolina Volunteer Infantry. Stationed at the stone wall by the sunken road below Marye's Heights, Kirkland had a close up view to the suffering and like so many others was appalled at the cries for help of the Union wounded throughout the cold winter night of December 13, 1862. After obtaining permission from his commander, Brig. Gen. Joseph B. Kershaw, Kirkland gathered canteens and in broad daylight, without the benefit of a cease fire or a flag of truce (refused by Kershaw), provided water to numerous Union wounded lying on the field of battle. Union soldiers held their fire as it was obvious what Kirkland's intent was. Kirkland was nicknamed the " Angel of Marye's Heights " for these actions, and is memorialized with a statue by Felix de Weldon on the Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania National Military Park where he carried out his actions.


Battle of Fredericksburg (December 11 - 15, 1862)

Prelude
After the bloody Battle of Antietam (September 17, 1862) Confederate General Robert E. Lee was forced to retreat back into Virginia, ending his first invasion of the North. The commander of the Army of the Potomac, Major General George McClellan chose not to pursue Lee's retreating Army of Northern Virginia, prompting President Abraham Lincoln to issue an executive order on November 5, 1862, replacing McClellan with Major General Ambrose E. Burnside.

Lincoln and General-in-Chief Henry W. Halleck urged Burnside to launch an invasion of Virginia quickly. Burnside submitted a plan to Halleck on November 9 that called for the Army of the Potomac to cross the Rappahannock River at the town of Fredericksburg and seize control of the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad, which would be used for a rapid invasion of the Confederate capital at Richmond. Halleck and Lincoln approved the plan and by November 19, 1862, the 115,000-man Army of the Potomac was positioned to cross the Rappahannock at Stafford Heights across from Fredericksburg.

Burnside's plans began unraveling as he was forced to wait until November 25 for the arrival of pontoons his engineers would use to build temporary bridges spanning the river. Lee used the delay to move his army from Culpeper, Virginia, and fortify the area in and around Fredericksburg. Unable to find suitable alternative sites to cross the Rappahannock, and feeling pressured by Lincoln and Halleck, Burnside decided to continue the operation and assault Lee's well-entrenched, 78,000-man Army of Northern Virginia head on.

December 11, 1862
Concealed by early-morning fog on December 11, Union engineers began constructing three pontoon bridges across the river—two directly opposite Fredericksburg and one a mile downstream. As the Yankees hastened to complete their task, the fog lifted, exposing them to the watchful eyes of Confederates on the other side. Sharpshooters from Brigadier General William Barksdale's Mississippian brigade who occupied the town soon sent the engineers scurrying for cover.

Burnside countered by ordering his chief of artillery, Brigadier General Henry Hunt, to shower Fredericksburg with a massive bombardment beginning at 12:30 pm. Despite a barrage of more than 8,000 shells that ravaged the city's homes and commercial establishments, Barksdale's sharpshooters re-emerged after the bombardment ended, to continue their deadly assault on Burnside's engineers as they attempted to resume their construction.

As completing the bridges became impracticable, Hunt suggested sending infantry task forces across the river by boat to establish beachheads from which to begin operations and silence the Rebel sharpshooters. At 3:30 that afternoon, men from the 7th Michigan, 89th New York, and 19th Massachusetts clambered aboard small boats and crossed the Rappahannock under heavy fire and executed the first large-scale opposed river crossing in American history.

After establishing their bridgeheads, the Union infantrymen moved into town where they engaged in close-quarter urban combat with Barksdale's brigade for nearly four hours. Gradually, the Yankees cleared the buildings and drove the Rebels out of town, enabling Burnside's engineers to complete the bridges by 5 p.m.

December 12, 1862
With the bridges completed, thousands of Federal soldiers poured into Fredericksburg and began plundering the town. As the drunken Yankees looted and burned civilian homes and businesses, enraged Confederates continued fortifying their defenses on the heights above the town.

December 13, 1862
Action at Prospect Hill and the Slaughter Field
After re-establishing control of his army, on December 13, Burnside began his assault on Lee's army. The initial point of attack would be against Lee's right flank on the southern end of the battlefield at Prospect Hill. Burnside selected Major General William B. Franklin's Grand Division to lead the offensive. Their orders were to advance across a farm field, later known as the "Slaughter Pen," and drive Lieutenant General Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson's 2nd Corps from the woods on the other side.

Franklin had about 65,000 men at his disposal, but due to poorly worded orders from Burnside that morning, Franklin believed that he was to utilize only a small portion of his forces during the initial strike. Franklin selected two small divisions, totaling about 8,000 soldiers, from Major General John F. Reynolds' 1st Corps, to lead the onslaught against Jackson's 37,000 Confederate defenders. Reynolds' 3rd Division, commanded by Major General George Meade (future leader of the Army of the Potomac at the Battle of Gettysburg) would spearhead the attack. Meade's men would be supported on their right by Reynolds' 2nd Division, commanded by Brigadier General John Gibbon (former leader of the famous Iron Brigade).

As the Federals prepared to advance across the field, a single cannon on their left flank, manned by Major John Pelham of the Stewart Force Artillery, pinned them down for over an hour. It was not until Pelham ran out of ammunition that Union artillerists were able to move forward at 11:20 a.m. and shell Jackson's defenses for roughly forty minutes.

Assuming that the Union barrage had softened the Confederate lines, Meade and Gibbon finally moved forward around noon. As they advanced, the Yankees soon became disorganized when they were forced to cross a water-filled ditch fence. Adding to their plight, the Federals soon discovered that their artillerists had done little damage to the Rebel batteries in front of them. As the Bluecoats approached the Confederate lines, Jackson ordered his men to hold their fire until they came within about 800 yards. Upon entering this killing zone, Confederate artillerists unleashed a blistering fusillade that forced their victims to save themselves by lying prone in the cold December mud. Meade and Gibbon countered by signaling for their artillerists to resume firing on the Rebel batteries. For the next half hour or so, the gunners on both sides engaged in an artillery duel while the Union foot soldiers were pinned down.

Around 1 p.m., Meade ordered his men to rise and advance once again. Within the hour they maneuvered their way through an undefended swampy area. Two Union regiments broke through the Confederate line and crossed the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad tracks running through the area, surprising General Maxcy Gregg's Brigade who were resting in reserve with their arms stacked. During the subsequent melee, a Union bullet mortally wounded Gregg.

Despite the breakthrough, Meade's success quickly unraveled when three of his brigade commanders were wounded or killed. Ignoring Jackson's earlier instructions to not commit his troops, Major General Jubal Early sent three brigades into the gap and repulsed the Union breakthrough.

Meanwhile, when Gibbon saw Meade's Division surge forward, he urged his command to follow suit and try to sustain Meade's progress. Jackson countered by ordering forward two brigades commanded by Brigadier General Edward L. Thomas and Brigadier General James H. Lane. As the Yankees approached the railroad tracks separating the two forces, the Rebels unleashed a volley that stalled their advance. Although Gibbon may not have known it at the time, he was facing all three of his brothers who were members of Lane's North Carolina Brigade. By the time Gibbon's men reached the Rebel lines following three valiant charges, both sides ran low on ammunition and resorted to fixing bayonets or using their rifles like clubs.

Meade's attempts to bring forth reinforcements went unanswered. As more than 50,000 Union soldiers stood by in reserve, Confederate counterattacks repulsed the Union attacks. By 3 p.m., the Rebels had regained control of the southern portion of the eight-mile-long battle lines at Fredericksburg, and the Federals had squandered their best opportunity to win the conflict.

Casualties on and around Prospect Hill and the Slaughter Field totaled roughly 9,000. The Union lost 5,000 soldiers (killed, wounded, and missing/captured) while the Confederacy lost 4,000 soldiers.

Marye's Heights—the Valley of Death
As Major General William B. Franklin's Left Grand Division began its assault against Major General Thomas J Jackson's 2nd Corps on the right flank of the Confederate lines eight miles to the south, soldiers from Major General Edwin V. Sumner's Right Grand Division steeled themselves for a diversionary attack against General James Longstreet's 1st Corps on the heights of the river valley directly above Fredericksburg. At roughly 11 a.m. on December 13, the 1st Brigade of Brigadier General William French's 3rd Division, commanded by Brigadier General Nathan Kimball, marched out of Fredericksburg toward Marye's (pronounced Marie's) Heights.

Facing them were about 6,000 Rebel troops aligned along a sunken road behind a four-foot-high stone wall at the base of the ridge. Behind and above the infantry were nine batteries from the elite Washington Artillery of New Orleans on top of Marye's Heights. Loaded with canister and grapeshot, the Confederate's big guns were trained on the open field between the stone wall and the town.

Confounding the Union advance was a mill race that traversed the length the field. Fifteen feet wide and three to five feet deep, the man-made ditch stalled the Federals as they tried to wade across the icy water or pass over the three foot bridges that crossed the waterway. As the Yankees scrambled up the slippery slope on the opposite side, Confederate artillerists and infantrymen mowed them down with a deadly hail of canister, grapeshot, and musket fire. As Lieutenant-Colonel Edward P. Alexander, one of Longstreet's artillery commanders, had boasted before the battle "a chicken could not live on that field when we open up on it." The carnage was so great that Union soldiers later referred to the site as the Valley of Death.

Despite devastating losses against impossible circumstances, Burnside committed nearly all of the right wing of his army in three failed assaults against Marye's Heights by mid-day. The Federals who survived the assaults found themselves pinned down in a swale on the battlefield, unable to move forward or backward without risking death.

By 2:30 in the afternoon, Burnside learned that Franklin's attack against Jackson at Prospect Hill had failed. At that point, the Union leader began to fear that Lee would launch a counterattack at Marye's Heights, and drive the remainder of the right wing of the Army of the Potomac back through the town to the river where it might face annihilation. The best solution Burnside could conger up to save the right wing of his army was to commit his reserves from across the river to even more suicidal assaults against the impregnable Rebel defenses behind the stone wall until he could withdraw what remained of his forces under cover of darkness. Four times during the afternoon and evening, Burnside ordered more Union troops into the Confederate meat grinder. What began that morning as a diversionary assault to prevent Lee from re-deploying troops to the site of the main Union assault at Prospect Hill had morphed into a desperate attempt to trade lives for time to save what remained of the right wing of the Army of the Potomac. Výsledky boli zničujúce. The Army of the Potomac lost 8,000 men at Marye's Heights (killed, wounded, and missing/captured), yet not one Union soldier got within fifty yards of the stone wall. By comparison, the Confederacy suffered fewer than 1,000 casualties.

Among the Federal units that suffered horribly during the futile assaults was the famous Irish Brigade commanded by Brigadier General Thomas F. Meagher (pronounced "mar"). Fighting without their battle-worn flag, which was in New York being restored, the Irishmen wore sprigs of boxwood on their hats to identify each other. On the other side of the stone wall stood Colonel Robert McMillan’s Georgia Brigade of Irishmen. As Meagher's men marched in good order toward their doom, chanting the old Irish cheer “Faugh-a-Bellagh” (“Clear the Way”), their fellow countrymen cut them down with a blistering sheet of hot lead. Of the roughly 1,315 Irish Federals who started up the hill, 545 were killed or wounded. The 69th New York lost all 16 of its officers. Despite their staggering losses, Meagher's men advanced farther than any other Union unit that day. Nonetheless, brigade historian Henry Clay Heisler later declared that Burnside's reckless blunder "was not a battle—it was a wholesale slaughter of human beings."

December 14󈝻, 1862
Despite overwhelming losses the day before, Burnside proposed resuming the attack on December 14 during a council of war with his general officers. Following occasional artillery exchanges between the two armies, Burnside acquiesced to the objections of his subordinates and pulled the Army of the Potomac back across the Rappahannock River. On December 15, the Army of Northern Virginia re-occupied the devastated town of Fredericksburg.

Následky
The Battle of Fredericksburg was the largest conflict of the Civil War. Nearly 200,000 combatants participated in the fighting, producing roughly 18,000 casualties. The Union lost an estimated 12,653 soldiers (1,284 killed, 9,600 wounded, and 1,769 missing). The Confederacy suffered 5,377 casualties (608 killed, 4,116 wounded, and 653 missing). Despite the enormity of the battle and the magnitude of the losses, the Confederate tactical victory had very little strategic impact on the war. The Confederate victory was so absolute that upon viewing the carnage, Lee reported remarked to Longstreet that "It is good that war is so terrible, otherwise we should grow too fond of it."

In the aftermath of the battle, President Lincoln came under extreme criticism in the North, even among Republican allies. Still, the fallout did not dissuade him from issuing the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863.

Following another failed offensive against Lee's army in late January 1863, derisively known as Burnside's Mud March, the War Department issued General Orders, No. 20 on January 25, announcing that "The President of the United States has directed . . . That Major General A. E. Burnside, at his own request, be relieved from the command of the Army of the Potomac." The order went on to state "That Major General J. Hooker be assigned to the command of the Army of the Potomac."

In the South, jubilation reigned. Lee and his army became even more convinced of their invincibility. That mindset would serve them well when they collided with the brash Hooker in April at Chancellorsville, but may very well have led to their undoing at the Battle of Gettysburg in July.


Ready to book a room for your own Washington, DC Civil War vacation? Here are some hotel deals to consider:

A vacation to Washington, DC has so much to offer. The options for tourist sites, museums, monuments, restaurants, and fun activities can rival just about any other major city in the United States. The one characteristic that really sets Washington, DC apart from other American cities is the amount of history that can be found both in town and on the doorstep of our nation’s capital in the neighboring areas of Virginia and Maryland.

The Civil War battlefields are a great way to learn about our history and to reflect on the sacrifices made during some of America’s darkest days. Our country is still young compared to many of the other nations around the world, but we have a rich history and fascinating stories that are waiting to be told to those who are interested in listening.

If you’re planning a trip to Washington, DC and you want to venture off the tourist path, then you should definitely consider visiting some of the the nearby American Civil War battlefields.


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