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Franklin Roosevelt - história

Franklin Roosevelt - história


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Franklin Roosevelt

1882- 1945

Americký politik

Americký prezident Franklin Delano Roosevelt sa narodil v Hyde Parku v New Yorku. So svojou rodinou veľa cestoval po USA a Európe. V rokoch 1900 až 1904 bol na Harvardskej univerzite, kde bol priemerným študentom, ale bol šéfredaktorom školského časopisu Harvard Crimson. Navštevoval právnickú fakultu Columbia, ale v roku 1907 ju zložil a zložil advokátsku skúšku.

V rokoch 1911 až 1913 bol senátorom štátu New York a v rokoch 1913 až 1920 pôsobil Roosevelt ako námestník ministra námorníctva. Bol prvým zástancom vstupu USA do 1. svetovej vojny. V roku 1920 bol Roosevelt kandidátom na viceprezidenta na neúspešnom lístku Jamesa Coxa.

V roku 1921 dostal Roosevelt obrnu, ktorá mu ochromila dolné končatiny na celý život. Potom, čo strávil tri roky zotavovaním, Roosevelt začal svoj politický návrat tým, že na Demokratickom zhromaždení v roku 1924 predniesol nominačný prejav za Alfreda E. Smitha.

V roku 1928 bol Roosevelt zvolený za guvernéra New Yorku. Bol progresívnym guvernérom, poskytoval úľavy ťažko skúšaným poľnohospodárom a vyvíjal programy na pomoc nezamestnaným.

Franklin Roosevelt bol jediným prezidentom, ktorý porušil dvojročnú prezidentskú tradíciu. Bol zvolený na štyri po sebe nasledujúce funkčné obdobia.

Po Rooseveltovej prvej inaugurácii sa začalo niečo, čo sa začalo nazývať „Sto dní“, počas ktorých Roosevelt zvolal kongres na špeciálne zasadnutie. Na tomto mimoriadnom zasadnutí boli prijaté zákony, ktoré majú pomôcť prekonať depresiu. Legislatíva zahŕňala zákony o núdzovom bankovníctve; nové predpisy pre cenné papiere a poisťovníctvo; založenie civilného ochranárskeho zboru, ktorý by dal štvrť milióna mladých nezamestnaných pracovníkov na prácu na verejných projektoch a zákon o úprave poľnohospodárstva, ktorý federálnej vláde poskytol mimoriadne právomoci na pomoc poľnohospodárom. Právna úprava poistenia v nezamestnanosti bola tiež prijatá po prvýkrát.

Roosevelt požiadal Kongres o vytvorenie niekoľkých nových agentúr. Jednou z nich bola Národná správa pre obnovu, ktorej úlohou bolo presadzovať kódexy správania v priemysle a súčasne uvoľňovať protimonopolné zákony s cieľom podporiť rast podnikania.

Tennessee Valley Authority, prvá verejnoprávna spoločnosť poskytujúca služby, bola vytvorená s mandátom na rozvoj energetických zdrojov v Tennessee Valley. Federálna správa pre pomoc navrhla programy chudoby. Správa verejných prác vytvorila finančné prostriedky na infraštruktúru, ako sú priehrady, s cieľom oživiť ekonomiku a vytvoriť pracovné miesta. Národný zákon o bývaní upravoval poistenie hypoték.

Existuje mnoho tých, ktorí majú pocit, že Roosevelt príliš rozširuje moc vlády a čo sa nazývalo New Deal. Najvyšší súd v konečnom dôsledku zistil, že niektoré akty sú protiústavné, vrátane NRO. Napriek kritike bol Roosevelt znovu zvolený najväčším ľudovým a volebným hlasovaním v histórii USA.

Roosevelt cítil, že Najvyšším súdom narúša jeho politiku obnovy, a preto sa pokúsil zbaliť Najvyšší súd priaznivcov svojej politiky. Tieto pokusy narazili na násilný odpor, dokonca aj medzi jeho prívržencami, a bol nútený upustiť od svojho plánu.

Depresia sa skutočne neskončila až do začiatku druhej svetovej vojny, ktorá sa začala inváziou Nemecka do Poľska. Svet už od nástupu Hitlera k moci a japonskej invázie do Mandžuska smeroval k priepasti vojny.

Roosevelt bol silným kritikom politiky nacistického Nemecka, fašistického Talianska a expanzionistického Japonska. Zaviazal sa však zachovať americkú neutralitu. Verejná mienka a niekoľko kongresových aktov o neutralite podporovali tento postoj neutrality.

Po páde Francúzska Roosevelt posunul Spojené štáty do užšieho spojenectva s Veľkou Britániou. V septembri 1940 Roosevelt oznámil plán poskytnúť Veľkej Británii 50 torpédoborcov výmenou za prednášku o prenájme britských základní na západnej pologuli.

V marci 1941 Kongres schválil návrh zákona, ktorý umožňoval spojencom privilegium požičiavať si vojenské výrobky vo forme „Lend-Lease“. Podľa tohto ustanovenia USA poskytli Britom a Sovietom do konca vojny viac ako 50 miliárd dolárov na vojenské vybavenie.

V auguste 1941 sa Roosevelt a Churchill tajne stretli na vojnovej lodi pri pobreží Kanady a podpísali Atlantickú chartu vyzývajúcu na zničenie nacistického Nemecka. Pomalý americký pochod smerom k zapojeniu sa do vojny vyvrcholil, keď 7. decembra 1941 začali na Pearl Harbor pršať bomby.

Roosevelt bol silným vojnovým vodcom. Osobne sa zapojil do väčšiny dôležitých vojnových rozhodnutí, ako je napríklad rozhodnutie dať prednosť porážke Nemecka pred Japonskom. Na stretnutí v Casablance v januári 1943 sa Churchill a Roosevelt rozhodli neprijať nič iné ako bezpodmienečné odovzdanie mocností Osi.

Roosevelt sa zúčastnil dvoch trojstranných stretnutí s Churchillom a Stalinom, jedného v Teheráne a jedného v Jalte. Roosevelt bol veľmi znepokojený povojnovým medzinárodným poriadkom a pracoval na vytvorení OSN s cieľom zabezpečiť spoluprácu a svetový mier.

Roosevelt zomrel v roku 1945 na dovolenke v Gruzínsku. Po jeho smrti zachvátila celá krajina smútok.


Prezident Franklin D. Roosevelt: Osobný život, manželstvo, záležitosti

Osobný život: Napriek tomu, že bol Roosevelt považovaný za devastačne pekného mladého muža, až do juniorského roku na Harvarde nejavil záujem o ženy, kým sa zamiloval do svojej 4. sesternice Eleanor Rooseveltovej. Eleanor bola plachá, prostá a neistá sirota a produkt nešťastného detstva. Čo to na nej priťahovalo temperamentného a zábavného FDR, zostáva záhadou, pretože pani Rooseveltová jej v neskoršom veku zničila prvé listy. Možno na Franklina zapôsobila jeho bratrancova brilantná myseľ alebo jej sociálne starosti: Eleanor trávila svoj voľný čas ako dobrovoľníčka v sídelnom dome na Manhattane. Je tiež možné, že bol ovplyvnený jej úzkym prepojením na najznámejšieho člena rodiny: Eleanor bola dcérou mladšieho brata Teddyho Roosevelta a strýko Ted sa osobne objavil na svadbe brilantnej spoločnosti v roku 1905, aby rozdal nevestu.

Napriek tomuto priaznivému začiatku sa 23-ročný FDR a jeho 20-ročná manželka takmer okamžite dostali do ťažkostí. Prvým problémom bola Franklinova matka, inteligentná vdova so silnou vôľou, ktorá sa nechystala vzdať sa svojho jediného dieťaťa. Počas jeho rokov na Harvarde sa presťahovala do Bostonu, aby bola blízko Franklinovi, a teraz trvala na tom, aby si s mladým párom založila dom. Ľahko ovládla nenáročnú Eleanor a urobila všetky zásadné rozhodnutia týkajúce sa domu Rooseveltovcov.

V manželstve bolo aj hlbšie napätie: Rodinné listiny, zverejnené po prvý raz v roku 1971, ukazujú, že Eleanor vždy považovala sex za utrpenie, zatiaľ čo Franklin mal neobvykle energický sexuálny apetít. V prvých rokoch manželstva si FDR zvyčajne prišla na svoje, ale v roku 1916, po narodení jej 6. dieťaťa, Eleanor dala nohu. Počas 29 rokov manželstva, ktoré im zostalo, Rooseveltovci už nikdy nespali. Udržiavali oddelené spálne a v Bielom dome skutočne prevzali rôzne krídla zámku.

Nie je prekvapením, že FDR hľadal útechu mimo svojho manželstva. Jeho prvá a najvážnejšia aféra sa týkala Lucy Mercerovej, krásnej a sofistikovanej sociálnej tajomníčky jeho manželky. V čase, keď Eleanor objavila dávku milostných listov a dozvedela sa o tejto záležitosti, boli Franklin a Lucy hlboko zamilovaní. Hovorilo sa o rozvode a opätovnom uzavretí manželstva, ale Rooseveltova matka zmarila všetky takéto plány tým, že pohrozila, že veľkorysému finančnému príspevku svojmu chlapcovi ukráti. Franklin bol nútený vzdať sa Lucy Mercerovej, ale jeho záujem o ňu na diaľku pokračoval po zvyšok jeho života.

Rooseveltova paralýza v istom zmysle pravdepodobne posilnila jeho puto s Eleanor, ale ich vzťah bol skôr vzájomný rešpekt a závislosť než osobná intimita. Lekárske správy dokazujú, že sexuálna zdatnosť FDR nebola narušená detskou obrnou a fámy ho stále spájali s inými ženami. Vojnové klebety sa sústredili na údajné romantické spojenie medzi prezidentom a očarujúcou mladou princeznou Martou z Nórska. Potom, v roku 1973, syn FDR Elliott vydal knihu, v ktorej vyhlásil, že Missy LeHandová, vysoká, štíhla a prešedivená súkromná sekretárka jeho otca, bola 20 rokov Rooseveltovou milenkou. Elliott tiež tvrdí, že Eleanor o vzťahu nielenže vedela, ale ho aj schválila, čo umožnilo Missy a Franklinovi obsadiť susedné spálne.

Aj keď niektorí Rooseveltovi dôverníci pochybovali o správnosti tohto príbehu, nemôže byť pochýb o tom, že s pribúdajúcimi rokmi sa Eleanor stále viac stávala svojou vlastnou ženou. V Bielom dome bola bezpochyby najaktívnejšou a najkontroverznejšou prvou dámou v americkej histórii. Písala denník, organizovala pravidelné tlačové konferencie, predsedala výborom pre verejné práce a získala prezývku „verejná energetika číslo jeden“. Vykonala tiež nespočetné množstvo ďalekých inšpekčných výletov pre svojho manžela a správy o svojich cestách podávala písomne ​​do malého košíka pri posteli FDR. Roosevelt ju nazýval „očami a ušami“ a vedúci oddelení často odpovedal: „Áno, ale moja slečna mi hovorí ...“ Na svoju geniálnu manželku bol očividne hrdý a nepochybne mu bola oddaná. Verejnosť nevedela nič o pretrvávajúcich problémoch v ich manželstve.

V roku 1944 Missy LeHandová zomrela na mozgovú príhodu a vo svojej samote sa FDR opäť obrátil na Lucy Mercerovú, teraz starnúcu, ale príťažlivú vdovu. Pri niekoľkých príležitostiach riskoval, že s ňou bude tráviť čas. Raz si objednal neplánovanú zastávku v prezidentskom vlaku, aby mohol stráviť pol dňa v dome Lucy v New Jersey. Privilegovaní pozorovatelia zaznamenali v tomto vzťahu „osamelých sŕdc“ romantický, trochu melancholický aspekt. Lucy bola v deň, keď zomrel, s Rooseveltom v meste Warm Springs, ale po jeho zrútení odišla rýchlo, skôr ako na miesto dorazila Eleanor a tlač.


Prečo bol FDR pre históriu dôležitý?

Franklin D. Roosevelt bol pre históriu dôležitý, pretože bol prezidentom v kľúčových momentoch amerických dejín, akými sú Veľká hospodárska kríza a druhá svetová vojna. Počas prvých mesiacov vo funkcii prešiel niekoľkými programami a reformami zameranými na stimuláciu ekonomiky a odbremenenie tých, ktorí majú finančné problémy.

Franklin D. Roosevelt sa stal prezidentom počas Veľkej hospodárskej krízy, ktorú vyhral na platforme poskytovania „novej dohody“ pre americký ľud. New Deal vytvoril niekoľko domácich programov na pomoc, obnovu a reformu ekonomiky. Úľavová časť Novej dohody pomohla nezamestnaným tým, že im poskytla prácu na stavbe letísk, nemocníc, škôl a ciest, ako aj na zvýšení cien plodín. Rooseveltova druhá nová dohoda zaviedla zákon o sociálnom zabezpečení, ktorý je jedným z najväčších programov, ktoré vláda USA realizuje.

Roosevelt tiež priviedol Spojené štáty do druhej svetovej vojny a spojil krajinu s Veľkou Britániou a sovietskym Ruskom, aby porazili nacistické Nemecko. Pred vojnou sa americká diplomacia riadila izolacionistickou filozofiou. Roosevelt a druhá svetová vojna to zmenili a USA sa odvtedy zapájajú do svetovej politiky.

Roosevelt bol jediným prezidentom, ktorý ako prezident vykonával štyri volebné obdobia. Pred Rooseveltom dodržiavali americkí prezidenti dvojročnú tradíciu.


Značka: Franklin Roosevelt

Wendell Willkie, okolo 1940. Obrázok s láskavým dovolením History.com.

Tento blogový príspevok je rozšírenou verziou pôvodnej eseje o kontrole markerov Nicole Poletiky, ktorú si môžete pozrieť tu.

Prezidentstvo USA vnímajú mnohí ako konečnú cenu v americkej politike. Držali ho právnici, filantropi a dokonca aj herci. Štát Indiana bol v centre prezidentskej histórie a tvrdil, že prezidenti Hoosier Benjamin Harrison a jeho starý otec William Henry Harrison. Jeden rok však viac trvá na tom, čo sa nestalo, ako na tom, čo sa stalo: 1940.

V tom roku sa Hoosierovi rodáci Wendell Willkie a Paul V. McNutt veľmi priblížili k víťazstvu v prezidentskom kresle, ale nakoniec prehrali svojim spôsobom s Franklinom Delanom Rooseveltom (FDR). Toto je prvý z dvoch blogov venovaných mužom z Indiany, ktorí kandidovali na najvyššiu funkciu v Amerike.

Dom detstva Wendella Willkieho v Elwoode, Indiana. Obrázok so súhlasom Indiana Memory. Diskusný tím IU, 1916. Willkie je v prvom rade v strede. Obrázok so súhlasom Indiana University, Bloomington.

Wendell Willkie, republikánsky kandidát na prezidenta 1940, sa narodil v roku 1892 v Elwoode, Indiana. Willkie navštevoval Indiana University, kde sa spriatelil s ďalším začínajúcim mladým študentom Paulom V. McNuttom. Keď bol McNutt predsedom Študentskej únie, Willkie bol predsedom Jackson Clubu, demokratickej politickej skupiny. Ich cesty sa stále krížili po zvyšok ich života. Willkie získal právnický titul na Indiana University v roku 1916. V roku 1929, po právnickej praxi v Akrone, Ohio, pre Firestone Tire Co, poskytoval právne poradenstvo pre The Commonwealth & amp Southern Corporation, veľkú spoločnosť poskytujúcu verejné služby, ktorej sa neskôr stal prezidentom. .

Ako prezident spoločnosti bojoval proti federálne financovanému programu New Deal FDR ’s, ktorý zriadil Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), ktorého cieľom bolo poskytnúť prácu mnohým nezamestnaným počas Veľkej hospodárskej krízy. Willkie bol proti TVA, pretože by priamo konkurovala spoločnostiam Commonwealth & amp Southern Corporation a pretože bol proti vládnym aj súkromným monopolom. Kým Willkie prehral, ​​získal si známosť ako „najrozumnejší a najsilnejší hovorca podnikateľskej komunity“.

Willkie, ako prezident Spoločenstva národov a Južnej Ameriky, dostane šek od správcu TVA Davida E. Lilienthala na nákup Tennessee Electric Power Company. Obrázok so súhlasom Štátnej knižnice v Indiane.

Potom, čo si Willkie získal pozornosť republikánskych politikov svojou otvorenou vierou v slobodné podnikanie, bol v roku 1940 nominovaný za republikánskeho prezidentského kandidáta, ktorý bude kandidovať proti FDR v tom, čo opísal Správy z Indianapolis ako „jedna z najdramatickejších udalostí v americkej politickej histórii“. Napriek tomu, že Willkie nikdy nezastával politickú funkciu, podobne ako moderný republikánsky prezidentský kandidát Donald Trump, bol nominovaný po šiestom hlasovaní na republikánskom národnom zhromaždení. Porazil známe politické osobnosti ako guvernér Thomas E. Dewey a senátor Robert A. Taft. Práve tu získal prezývku kampane „Dark Horse“, pretože jeho kandidatúra bola takým politickým rozrušením. Keď sa druhá svetová vojna v zahraničí zintenzívnila, republikáni hľadali nového kandidáta na reprezentáciu strany a Američania sa viac ako kedykoľvek predtým odhodlali vyhnúť sa vojne doma.

Približne v tom istom čase jeho kolega a priateľ IU Paul McNutt upustil od úvahy o demokratickej nominácii, čím ustúpil Rooseveltovej túžbe po bezprecedentnom treťom volebnom období. Ak by bol McNutt nominovaný, obaja hlavní stranícki kandidáti na prezidenta by boli zo štátu Indiana.

Oficiálny ceremoniál oznámenia republikánskej prezidentskej nominácie za Wendella Willkieho, Elwood, Indiana, 17. augusta 1940. Obrázok so súhlasom Kongresovej knižnice. Wendell Willkie na slávnostnom oznámení o jeho prezidentskej nominácii, Elwood, Indiana, 1940. Obrázok so súhlasom Indiana Memory. “ Krídla pre Willkie ” tlačidlo kampane, zhruba štyridsiate roky minulého storočia. Obrázok so súhlasom Indiana Historical Society.

Napriek dobre vybojovanej kampani Willkie prehral voľby s Rooseveltom zdrvujúco a získal len 82 volebných hlasov na Rooseveltových 449. Rovnako prehral ľudové hlasovanie o takmer päť miliónov. Mnohí komentátori si mysleli, že jeho progresívny postoj k občianskym právam a podpora liberálneho internacionalizmu ho odcudzili z jeho strany. Voliči sa tiež snažili identifikovať jeho postoj k hlavným príčinám, pretože sa krátko venoval širokému spektru otázok.

Sochy z bravčovej masti Franklina Roosevelta a Wendella Willkieho v budove poľnohospodárstva a záhradníctva na štátnom veľtrhu v Indiane v roku 1940. Obrázok so súhlasom Indiana Historical Society.

Napriek tomu, že v roku 1940 prehral prezidentské voľby, Willkie a FDR sa stali priateľmi a politickými spojencami, pretože mali podobné názory na zahraničnú politiku a občianske práva. Najmä Willkie, počas kampane i po nej, išiel proti mnohým vo svojej strane s podporou politiky FDR v súvislosti s odoslaním vojnovej pomoci do Británie v roku 1940, na rozdiel od bojov v zahraničí alebo zostania izolovaného od vojny. Historik Justin H. Libby popisuje Willkieho podporu vojnovej pomoci ako „predchodcu dvojstrannej politiky“.

Willkieho podpora pomoci si nakoniec získala priazeň širokej verejnosti, čo umožnilo FDR schváliť zákon o pôžičke a pôžičke v roku 1941, čo odložilo zapojenie USA do vojny. Slúžil prezidentovi aj ako cestovateľ po svete ako americký emisár, aby sledoval vojnu v zahraničí a stretol sa so zahraničnými lídrami a podal správu o svojich skúsenostiach. Ako internacionalista pracoval Willkie pre „svetový mier“ a v roku 1942 predložil republikánskemu národnému výboru dvojstranné uznesenie, ktoré bolo nakoniec schválené.

Africký americký veterán Isaac Woodard v pamätnej budove Wendella Willkieho v New Yorku, okolo roku 1946. Obrázok so súhlasom Kongresovej knižnice.

Willkie na domácej pôde horlivo obhajoval práva Afroameričanov a verejne sa zasadzoval za zlepšenie bývania, vzdelávania a zdravia čiernych občanov. Mal veľký záujem o zaobchádzanie s Afroameričanmi v ozbrojených silách a v rôznych článkoch tvrdil, že doma by im mala byť poskytnutá rovnaká sloboda, za akú bojovali v zahraničí.

Vo svojom článku z roku 1944 „Občania černošskej krvi“ pre Collier’s MagazineWillkie uviedol, že druhá svetová vojna „si nás uvedomila rozpory medzi našim zaobchádzaním s našou černošskou menšinou a ideálmi, za ktoré bojujeme. Spravodlivé zaobchádzanie s rasovými menšinami v Amerike je základom našej šance na spravodlivý a trvalý mier. “ Apeloval na politické osobnosti, aby posilnili opatrenia proti lynčovaniu a odstránili štátne dane z hlavy štátu, ktoré často bránili Afroameričanom voliť. Willkie v konečnom dôsledku upriamil pozornosť na boje všetkých menšín, ktorí sa hádali v New York Times že boli „bohatým majetkom demokracie“.

Jeden svet od Wendella Willkieho. Obrázok so súhlasom Doerrbooks.com.

V roku 1943 Willkie napísal o svojich skúsenostiach z cestovania po zemeguli vo svojej najpredávanejšej knihe Jeden svet. Opísal svoju cestu, počas ktorej cestoval s predstaviteľmi armády a námorníctva do viac ako pol tucta krajín. Jeho pozorovania z obdobia predtým, ako USA často pracovali a komunikovali s inými krajinami, boli opísané ako „mimoriadne vnímavé a štátnické“. Strávilo to štyri mesiace New York Times zoznam bestsellerov a bol vplyvným textom o budúcej OSN.

Willkie sa usiloval o republikánsku prezidentskú nomináciu v roku 1944, ale v apríli vypadol zo závodu po slabom účinkovaní vo Wisconsinských primárkach. Neustále porovnávanie s FDR, jeho liberálny postoj k občianskym a medzinárodným problémom a všeobecná nezávislosť od ostatných republikánskych členov vyústili do straty podpory strany.

Pamätník Wendella Willkieho na hlavnom meste štátu Indiana. Obrázok so súhlasom Wiki Commons.

Willkie zomrel 8. októbra 1944 a bol pochovaný na cintoríne East Hill v Rushville v Indiane. Prezident Roosevelt vydal vyhlásenie, v ktorom ocenil Willkieho ako „jedného z veľkých mužov našej doby“. Okrem pamätníka postaveného na jeho hrobe boli Willkieho pamätníky zasvätené v Elwoode a v Štátnom dome v Rotunde v Indianapolise. Budova Willkieho pamätníka, vytvorená ako centrum domu slobody a ďalších dôvodov, ktoré podporoval, bola vysvätená v New Yorku pri prvom výročí jeho smrti. Willkie s podporou Eleanor Rooseveltovej pomohol v roku 1941 založiť Freedom House ako organizáciu, ktorá by mohla „posilniť ľudské práva a občianske slobody v USA“. V roku 2016 Dom slobody stále obhajuje ľudské práva.

Ambície Wendella Willkieho v Bielom dome sa nikdy neuskutočnili, ale jeho vplyv na americkú politiku je stále cítiť, najmä v jeho postojoch k medzinárodným vzťahom, občianskym právam, obchodu a zahraničnej politike. Jeho priateľstvo a podpora Franklina Roosevelta, aj keď s ním prehral, ​​prospelo krajine počas vojny. Willkie bol mužom výsledkov, ktorému hlboko veril v silu inštitúcií a ľudí v správnu prácu, či už v politike alebo v obchode. Jeho dvojstranné a priateľské správanie si získalo rešpekt u vodcov z celej krajiny. Nakoniec sa z „Temného koňa“ stal štátnik na úrovni takmer akéhokoľvek prezidenta.

Vráťte sa do 2. časti a dozviete sa o inom prominentnom Hoosierovi, ktorý mal svoj zrak uprený na Biely dom: guvernér Paul V. McNutt.


Franklin D Roosevelt a druhá svetová vojna

Prezident Franklin D Roosevelt a druhá svetová vojna pre deti
Zhrnutie: Európa bola svedkom vzostupu diktátorov ako Hitler, Mussolini a Stalin a vypukla 2. svetová vojna (1939 - 1945). Militaristi získali kontrolu nad Japonskom a USA sa zapojili do vojny po japonskom bombardovaní Pearl Harboru 7. decembra 1941. FDR sprevádzala národ druhou svetovou vojnou a stretla sa s Winstonom Churchillom a Josefom Stalinom na konferencii v Jalte 11. februára 1945. V tejto súvislosti v čase, keď USA vyvinuli atómovú bombu vedci pracujúci na projekte Manhattan. Franklin D Roosevelt zomrel na mŕtvicu 12. apríla 1945, len niekoľko mesiacov pred skončením 2. svetovej vojny 2. septembra 1945. Ďalším prezidentom bol Harry Truman.

Ďalšie udalosti v predsedníctve Franklina D. Roosevelta
Ďalšie hlavné udalosti počas predsedníctva Franklina D. Roosevelta sú uvedené v článku o prezidentovi Franklinovi D. Rooseveltovi.

Úspechy Franklina D. Roosevelta a dôležité udalosti počas 2. svetovej vojny
Úspechy Franklina D. Roosevelta a najslávnejšie udalosti počas jeho predsedníctva, ktoré sa týkali udalostí v USA počas 2. svetovej vojny, sú poskytnuté v zaujímavom, stručnom súhrne podrobne popísanom nižšie. Dátumy začiatku a konca 2. svetovej vojny v Európe boli 1. september 1939 - 2. september 1945. Dátumy začiatku a konca 2. svetovej vojny v USA boli 7. december 1941 - 2. september 1945.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - udalosti časovej osi pred druhou svetovou vojnou
Zhrnutie udalostí na časovej osi pred druhou svetovou vojnou: Udalosti na časovej osi pred druhou svetovou vojnou počas predsedníctva Franklina D. Roosevelta

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Príčiny 2. svetovej vojny
Zhrnutie príčin druhej svetovej vojny: Príčiny 2. svetovej vojny boli spôsobené rôznymi udalosťami, ktoré predstavovali významnú hrozbu pre bezpečnosť Ameriky a jej obyvateľov.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - fašizmus, nacizmus a komunizmus
Zhrnutie fašizmu, nacizmu a komunizmu: Tento odkaz poskytuje definície a príklady fašizmu, nacizmu a komunizmu.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - japonský militarizmus
Zhrnutie japonského militarizmu: Článok o japonskom militarizme popisuje, ako militaristi získali kontrolu nad Japonskom pred vypuknutím 2. svetovej vojny.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - americký izolacionizmus
Zhrnutie amerického izolacionizmu: Politiku amerického izolacionizmu prijal Franklin D Roosevelt vstupom USA do 2. svetovej vojny v snahe izolovať USA od diplomatických záležitostí iných krajín vyhýbaním sa zahraničnému zapleteniu alebo vstupom do aliancií s inými národmi.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - dobrá susedská politika
Zhrnutie dobrej susedskej politiky: Dobrú susedskú politiku prijal Franklin D Roosevelt v 30. rokoch minulého storočia s cieľom zlepšiť vzťahy a vzťahy USA s Latinskou Amerikou s cieľom zaistiť nepriateľských susedov južne od jej hraníc.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Zákony o neutrálnosti
Zhrnutie zákonov o neutralite: Séria zákonov o neutrálnosti zakazujúcich ozbrojené a vojnové materiály vo vojnových krajinách.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Lend -Lease Act
Zhrnutie zákona o požičaní a zapožičaní: Zákon o pôžičke a pôžičke schválil Franklin D Roosevelt 11. marca 1941, čo umožnilo Spojeným štátom pomôcť spojeneckým mocnostiam.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Atlantická charta
Zhrnutie Atlantickej charty: Atlantická charta bola výsledkom prísne tajného stretnutia FDR a Winstona Churchilla v dňoch 9.-12. augusta 1941, na ktorom sa diskutovalo o všeobecnej stratégii vojny proti mocnostiam osi Nemecka, Talianska a Japonska. Atlantická charta bola vydaná FDR a Churchillom 14. augusta 1941 a podrobne popisovala spoločné zásady národných politík oboch krajín.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - USS Greer, Kearny a Reuben James
Zhrnutie USS Greer, Kearny a Reuben James: Nemecké ponorky útočia na USS Greer, Kearny a Reuben James v Atlantiku predtým, ako USA oficiálne vstúpia do 2. svetovej vojny.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - adresa FDR's Navy Day
Zhrnutie adresy Dňa námorníctva FDR: Deň námorníctva FDR bol prejavom cez rádio k národu k útoku na torpédoborec USS Kearny 27. októbra 1941.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Pearl Harbor
Zhrnutie Pearl Harbor: 7. decembra 1941 japonské lietadlá a ponorky zahájili prekvapivý útok na americkú tichomorskú flotilu na námornej základni Pearl Harbor na Havaji. Ak chcete zistiť dôvody útoku, pozrite sa na článok s názvom Prečo Japonsko zaútočilo na Pearl Harbor Hodinové udalosti osudného dňa sú podrobne popísané na časovej osi Pearl Harbor.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Doris & Dorie & quot Miller
Zhrnutie Doris & quot; Dorie & quot Miller: Doris & quot; Dorie & quot; Miller bol afroamerický hrdina v Pearl Harbor, ktorý prevzal kontrolu nad bezobslužným guľometom a použil ho na obranu základne.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Výkonné nariadenie 9066
Zhrnutie výkonného rozkazu 9066: Výkonný rozkaz 9066 vydal Franklin D Roosevelt 19. februára 1942 na ochranu „proti špionáži a sabotáži na materiály národnej obrany“. Do roku 1943 bolo viac ako 110 000 japonských Američanov premiestnených do japonských internačných táborov v odľahlých vnútrozemských oblastiach USA.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Doolittle Raid
Zhrnutie nájazdu Doolittle: Doolittle Raid bombardérov B25 s 80 člennou posádkou bombardovalo Japonsko 18. apríla 1942. Bol to prvý útok USA na japonskú vlasť, štyri mesiace po prekvapivom útoku Japonska na Pearl Harbor.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Pochod smrti Bataan: apríl 1942
Zhrnutie Bataanského pochodu smrti: Bataanský pochod smrti na Filipínach 9. apríla 1942 bol pomenovaný po neslávnej ceste na 66 míľ, ktorú prešlo 75 000 japonských vojnových zajatcov, pozostávajúcich z 12 000 Američanov a zvyšných Filipíncov. Väzni boli bití, postrelení a bajonetmi a odhaduje sa, že Bataanský pochod smrti prežilo iba 65 000.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Bitka v Koralovom mori: máj 1942
Zhrnutie bitky v Koralovom mori: Bitka v Koralovom mori bola námorná bitka bojujúca v južnom Pacifiku medzi Novou Guineou a Šalamúnovými ostrovmi proti Japonsku od 4. do 8. mája 1942. Bola to remíza, ale Japoncov to zastavilo od invázie do Port Moresby na Novej Guinei a ohrozovania Austrálie.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Bitka o Midway: jún 1942
Zhrnutie bitky o Midway: Bitka o Midway bola pre USA rozhodujúcim víťazstvom. Bojovalo sa 3. júna 7. júla 1942, počas ktorého americké lietadlá porazili japonskú flotilu na ceste k invázii na ostrovy Midway.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Bitka o Filipínske more: jún 1944
Zhrnutie bitky o Filipínske more: Bitka o Filipínske more bola veľkým víťazstvom USA, ktoré vybojovali 19. - 20. júna 1944 medzi japonskou kombinovanou flotilou a americkou 5. flotilou. Víťazstvo v bitke pri Filipínskom mori dalo USA kontrolu nad ostrovmi Saipan, Guam a Tinian a poskytlo americké letecké základne v dosahu bombardérov B-29 zameraných na Japonsko.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Deň D: jún 1944
Zhrnutie Dňa D: Dňa 6. júna 1944 pristálo Deň D na plážach v Normandii, aby oslobodilo Francúzsko od nemeckej okupácie. Viac ako 425 000 spojeneckých a nemeckých vojakov bolo zabitých, zranených alebo nezvestných v „bitke v Normandii“.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Bitka v Ardenách: december 1944 - január 1945
Zhrnutie Dňa D: Súhrn bitky v Ardenách: Bitka v Ardenách (6. decembra 1944 a skončila 25. januára 1945), keď spojenecké sily získali späť územie, ktoré začiatkom decembra padlo do Nemecka. Počas bitky v Ardenách bolo zabitých, zranených alebo zajatých viac ako 76 000 Američanov.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Bitka o Iwo Jimu: február - marec 1945
Zhrnutie bitky o Iwo Jimu: Bitka o Iwo Jimu sa odohrávala v tichomorskej aréne od 19. februára 1945 do 16. marca 1945, počas ktorých zahynulo 7 000 amerických vojakov a 20 000 bolo zranených, než bol ostrov zaistený.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Rivie Rosie
Zhrnutie Riviera Rosie: Keď muži odišli do vojny, ženy začali pracovať v továrňach na muníciu. Ikonický obraz tej doby bol Rosie Riveterovej, ktorá pracovala pre národ na domácej pôde.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Nepokoje v Zoot Suit
Zhrnutie nepokojov v Zoot Suit: Nepokoje v Zoot Suit vypukli v Los Angeles v Kalifornii počas 2. svetovej vojny a pozostávali zo série útokov amerických opravárov na zootový oblek s gangmi mladých mexických Američanov.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Letci z Tuskegee
Zhrnutie letcov z Tuskegee: Cierni letci z Tuskegee 99. letky odleteli z Tuskegee 2. apríla 1943 smerom na severnú Afriku, kde 2. júna 1943 odletela na svoju prvú bojovú misiu, pričom lietala v ich slávnom lietadle „Red Tail“.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Piloti Kamikaze
Zhrnutie Kamikaze: Japonských samovražedných pilotov Kamikaze používalo Japonsko v rokoch 1944-45. Počas tejto doby zomrelo takmer 8 000 Kamikazepilotov.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Hovorcovia kódu Navajo
Zhrnutie hovorcov kódu Navajo: Hovorcovia kódu Navajo používali tajný kód založený na ich rodnom jazyku, čo umožnilo prenos správy v priebehu niekoľkých minút, ktorých šifrovanie a prenos by operátorovi kódového stroja zabralo hodiny.

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - GI Bill
Zhrnutie návrhu zákona o GI: Návrh zákona o GI alebo „Listina práv GI“ podpísal prezident Franklin D Roosevelt 22. júna 1944 a poskytoval celý rad výhod pre návrat veteránov z 2. svetovej vojny (G.I.s)

Franklin D Roosevelt a 2. svetová vojna pre deti - Jaltská konferencia: február 1945
Summary of the Yalta Conference: The Yalta Conference was a meeting between February 4, 1945 - February 11, 1945 in which FDR met with Winston Churchill and Josef Stalin in Yalta , Crimea, Russia. The leaders discussed the unconditional surrender and occupation of Nazi Germany, the defeat of Japan and peace plans for the post war world.

Franklin D Roosevelt and WW2 for kids - The Manhattan Project
Summary of the Manhattan Project: The Manhattan Project , led by Robert Oppenheimer , started on May 12, 1942 when President Franklin D Roosevelt signed an order creating a top secret project to develop the nuclear weapon. President Roosevelt died on April 12, 1945 and the decision to drop the atomic bomb on the city of Hiroshima, Japan was made by President Harry Truman.

President Franklin D Roosevelt Video for Kids
The article on the accomplishments of Franklin D Roosevelt provides an overview and summary of some of the most important events during his presidency. The following Franklin D Roosevelt video will give you additional important history, facts and dates about the foreign and domestic political events of his administration.

President Franklin D Roosevelt and WW2

Franklin D Roosevelt - US History - Facts - Biography - Important Events - Accomplishments - President Franklin D Roosevelt - Summary of Presidency - American History - US - USA History - Franklin D Roosevelt - America - Dates - United States History - US History for Kids - Children - Schools - Homework - Important Events - Facts - History - United States History - Important Facts - Events - History - Interesting - President Franklin D Roosevelt - Info - Information - American History - Facts - Historical Events - Important Events - Franklin D Roosevelt


BATTLING ILLNESS

In 1910 Roosevelt was elected to the New York State Senate. A few years later, President Woodrow Wilson named him assistant secretary of the Navy. He ran unsuccessfully for the U.S. Senate in 1914 before leaving the Navy in 1920 to campaign as the running mate of presidential nominee James M. Cox. (They lost.)

Illness stalled his political career in 1921 when he contracted polio, a virus that attacks the nervous system and can cause paralysis. Roosevelt went from being healthy and active one day to being unable to walk two days later. Although he never regained use of his legs, Roosevelt learned how to stand on leg braces and take limited steps with the help of others. Within three years he was practicing law again. Before the decade was over, he had become governor of New York.


First presidential term

Roosevelt was elected president in 1932. He came to office with a dangerous economic crisis at its height. Some 30 percent of the work force was unemployed. Roosevelt began providing relief on a large scale by giving work to the unemployed and by approving a device for bringing increased income to farmers. He adjusted the U.S. currency (the American money system) so that those in debt could pay what they owed. Banks that were closed all over the country were helped to reopen, and gradually the crisis was overcome.

In 1934 Roosevelt proposed a national social security system that, he hoped, would prevent another such depression. Citizens would never be without at least minimum incomes again, because the new social security system (still in use today) used money paid by employees and employers to provide support to those who were unemployed, retired, and disabled. Many citizens became devoted supporters of the president who had helped them. Roosevelt became so popular that he won reelection in 1936 by an overwhelming majority.


Tag: President Franklin D. Roosevelt

Harris & Ewing, “Louis Ludlow,” 1937, photograph, Harris & Ewing photograph collection, courtesy of Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division.

Describing the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt for the 2014 Ken Burns documentary The Roosevelts, conservative political writer George E. Will stated:

The presidency is like a soft leather glove, and it takes the shape of the hand that’s put into it. And when a very big hand is put into it and stretches the glove — stretches the office — the glove never quite shrinks back to what it was. So we are all living today with an office enlarged permanently by Franklin Roosevelt. [1]

Seventy-five years after President Roosevelt’s death, the debate continues over how much power the president should have, especially in regards to taking military action against a foreign power. On January 9, 2020, the U.S. House of Representatives voted to restrict that power, requiring congressional authorization for further action against Iran. The issue now moves to the Senate.

But the arguments over this balance of war powers are not new. In fact, in 1935, Indiana congressmen Louis Ludlow forwarded a different solution altogether – an amendment to the U.S. Constitution that would allow a declaration of war only after a national referendum, that is, a direct vote of the American people. Had the Ludlow Amendment passed, the U.S. would only engage militarily with a foreign power if the majority of citizens agreed that the cause was just. Ludlow’s ideas remain interesting today as newspaper articles and op-eds tell us the opinions of our Republican and Democratic representatives regarding the power of the legislative branch versus the executive branch in declaring war or military action. But what do the American people think, especially those who would have to fight? According to Brown University’s Cost of War Project, “The US government is conducting counterterror activities in 80 countries,” and the New York Times reported last year that we now have troops in “nearly every country.” [2] But what does it mean to say “we” have troops in these countries? And does that mean that we are at war? Do the American people support the deployment of troops to Yemen? Somalia? Syria? Niger? Does the average American even know about these conflicts?

Stephanie Savell and 5W Infographics, “This Map Shows Where in the World the U.S. Military Is Combatting Terrorism,” Smithsonian Magazine, January 2019.

Expanding Executive War Power

Many don’t know, partly because the nature of war has changed since WWII. We have a paid professional military as opposed to drafted private citizens, which removes the realities of war from the daily lives of most Americans. Drone strikes make war seem even more obscure compared to boots on the ground, while cyber warfare abstracts the picture further. [3] But Americans also remain unaware of our military actions because “U.S. leaders have studiously avoided being seen engaging in ‘war,’” according to international news magazine the Diplomat. [4] In fact, Congress has not officially declared war since World War II. [5] Instead, today, Congress approves “an authorization of the use of force,” which can be “fuzzy” and “open-ended.” [6] Despite the passage of the War Powers Act of 1973, which was intended to balance war powers between the president and Congress, presidents have consistently found ways to deploy troops without congressional authorization. [7] And today, the Authorization for Use of Military Force Joint Resolution, passed in the wake of the September 11 attacks, justified an even greater extension of executive power in deploying armed forces.[8]

“To Give to the People the Right to Decide . . .”

Indiana congressman Louis L. Ludlow (Democrat – U.S. House of Representatives, 1929-1949), believed the American people should have the sole power to declare war through a national referendum. [9] After all, the American people, not Congress and not the President, are tasked with fighting these wars. Starting in the 1930s, Representative Ludlow worked to amend the Constitution in order to put such direct democracy into action. He nearly succeeded. And as the debate continues today over who has the power to send American troops into combat and what the United States’ role should be in the world, his arguments concerning checks and balances on war powers remain relevant.

“Portrait of Indiana Politician Louis Ludlow, Indiana,” photograph, 1929, accessed Indiana Album.

Ludlow maintained two defining viewpoints that could be easily misinterpreted, and thus are worth examining up front. First, Ludlow was an isolationist, but not for the same reasons as many of his peers, whose viewpoints were driven by the prevalent xenophobia, racism, and nativism rooted in the 1920s. In fact, Ludlow was a proponent of equal rights for women and African Americans throughout his career. [10] Ludlow’s isolationism was instead influenced by the results of a post-WWI congressional investigation showing the influence of foreign propaganda and munitions and banking interests in profiting off the conflict. [11]

Second, Ludlow was nie a pacifist. He believed in just wars waged in the name of freedom, citing the American Revolution and the Union cause during the American Civil War. [12] He supported the draft during WWI and backed the war effort through newspaper articles. [13] Indeed, he even voted with his party, albeit reluctantly, to enter WWII after the bombing of Pearl Harbor. [14] He believed a direct attack justified a declaration of war and included this caveat in his original resolution. What he did not believe in was entering war under the influence of corporations or propaganda. He wanted informed citizens, free of administrative or corporate pressure, to decide for themselves if a cause was worth their lives. He wrote, “I am willing to die for my beloved country but I am not willing to die for greedy selfish interests that want to use me as their pawn.” [15]

So, who was Louis Ludlow and how did he come to advocate for this bold amendment?

“I Must and Would Prove My Hoosier Blood”

Ludlow described himself as a “Hoosier born and bred” in his 1924 memoir of his early career as a newspaper writer. [16] He was born June 24, 1873 in a log cabin near Connersville, Fayette County, Indiana. His parents encouraged his interests in politics and writing, and after he graduated high school in 1892, he went to Indianapolis “with food prepared by his mother and a strong desire to become a newspaperman.” [17]

He landed his first job with the Indianapolis Sun upon arrival in the Hoosier capital but quickly realized he needed more formal education. He briefly attended Indiana University before becoming seriously ill and returning to his parents’ home. After he recovered, he spent some time in New York City, but returned to Indianapolis in 1895. He worked for two newspapers, one Democratic (Sentinel) and one Republican (Journal) and the Indianapolis Press from 1899-1901. While he mainly covered political conventions and campaign speeches, he interviewed prominent suffrage worker May Wright Sewall and former President Benjamin Harrison, among other notables. He also became a correspondent for the (New York) World. [18]

In 1901, the Sentinel sent Ludlow to Washington as a correspondent, beginning a twenty-seven-year career of covering the capital. During this time, he worked long hours, expanded his political contacts, and distributed his stories to more and more newspapers. He covered debates in Congress during World War I and was influenced by arguments that membership in the League of Nations would draw the U.S. further into conflict.[19] By 1927 he was elected president of the National Press Club. He was at the height of his journalistic career and had a good rapport and reputation within the U.S. House of Representatives.

“Ludlows Vote Early,” Indianapolis Star, November 7, 1928, 11, accessed Newspapers.com.

With the backing of Democratic political boss Thomas Taggart, Ludlow began his first congressional campaign at the end of 1927 and announced his candidacy officially on February 23, 1928. [20] The Greencastle Daily Herald quoted part of Ludlow’s announcement speech, noting that the candidate stated, “some homespun honesty in politics is a pressing necessity in Indiana.” [21] He won the Democratic primary in May 1928 and then campaigned against Republican Ralph E. Updike, offering Hoosiers “redemption” from the influence of the KKK. [22] Ludlow “swept to an impressive victory” over Updike in November 1928, as the only Democrat elected from 269 Marion County precincts. [23] He took his seat as the Seventh District U.S. Representative from Indiana on March 4, 1929. [24]

The Indianapolis Star noted that while Ludlow was only a freshman congressman, his many years in Washington as a correspondent had made him “familiar with the workings of the congressional machinery” and “well known to all [House] members,” earning him the “confidence and respect of Republicans and Democrats alike.” [25] The Hviezda claimed: “Perhaps no man ever entering Congress has had the good will of so many members on both sides of the aisle.” [26] This claim was supported by Ludlow’s colleagues on the other side of that aisle. Republican senator James E. Watson of Indiana stated in 1929, “Everybody has a fondness for Louis Ludlow, and as a congressional colleague, he shall have the co-operation of my office in the advancement of whatever he considers in the interest of his constituency.” [27] Republican representative John Cable of Ohio agreed stating:

Louis Ludlow has character and ability. He is the sort of a man who commands the respect and confidence of men and women without regard to party lines. He will have the co-operation of his colleagues of Congress, Republican as well as Democrats, and no doubt will render a high class service for his district.[28]

Cable went so far as to recommend Ludlow for the vice-presidential candidate for the 1932 election.

Ludlow achieved some modest early economic successes for his constituents, including bringing a veterans hospital and an air mail route to Indianapolis. By 1930, however, he set his sights on limiting government bureaucracy and became interested in disarmament as a method to reduce government spending. Concurrently, he threw his support behind the London Naval Treaty which limited the arms race, and he became a member of the Indiana World Peace Committee. During the 1930 election, he stressed his accomplishments and appealed to women, African American, Jews, veterans, businessmen, and labor unions. He was easily reelected by over 30,000 votes. [29]

Back at work in the House, he sponsored an amendment to the Constitution in 1932 to give women “equal rights throughout the United States” which would have addressed legal and financial barriers to equality. He was unsuccessful but undaunted. He introduced an equal rights amendment in 1933, 1936, 1939, 1943, and 1945. [30] [A separate post would be needed to do justice to his work on behalf of women’s rights.] He also worked to make the federal government responsible for investigating lynching, as opposed to the local communities where the injustice occurred. He introduced several bills in 1938 that would have required FBI agents to investigate lynchings as a deterrent to this hate crime, but they were blocked by Southern Democrats. His main focus between 1935 and 1945 was advocating for the passage of legislation to restrict the government’s war powers and end corporate war profiteering.

“To Remove The Profit Incentive to War”

[McAllen, Texas] Monitor, January 11, 1938, 1, accessed Newspapers.com. In 1934 the Special Committee on Investigation of the Munitions Industry, known as the Nye Committee after its chairman Senator Gerald Nye (R-ND), began to investigate the undue influence of munitions interests on U.S. entry into WWI. Like many Americans, Ludlow was profoundly disturbed by the committee’s conclusions. As Germany rearmed and Hitler’s power grew during the 1930s, Ludlow worried that the threat of a second world war loomed and the U.S. government, especially the executive branch was vulnerable to the influence of profiteers, as highlighted by the Nye Committee reports. He stated:

I am convinced from my familiarity with the testimony of the Nye committee and my study of this question that a mere dozen – half a dozen international financiers and half a dozen munitions kings, with a complaisant President in the White House at Washington – could maneuver this country into war at any time, so great are their resources and so far reaching is their power. I pray to God we may never have a President who will lend himself to such activities, but, after all, Presidents are human, and many Presidents have been devoted to the material aggrandizement of our country to the exclusion of spiritual values . . . [31]

Although he admired President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s diplomatic abilities Ludlow thought, as historian Walter R. Griffin asserted, that “it was entirely possible that a future President might very well possess more sordid motives and plan to maneuver the country into war against the wishes of the majority of citizens.” [32] As a protection against the susceptibility of the legislative and especially the executive branches to financial pressures of the munitions industry, Ludlow introduced a simple two-part resolution [HR-167] before the House of Representatives in January 1935. It would amend the Constitution to require a vote of the people before any declaration of war. He summed up the two sections of his bill in a speech before the House in February 1935: “First. To give the people who have to pay the awful costs of war the right to decide whether there shall be war. Second. To remove the profit incentive to war.” [33] He believed that the resolution gave to American citizens “the right to a referendum on war, so that when war is declared it will be the solemn, consecrated act of the people themselves, and not the act of conscienceless, selfish interests using the innocent young manhood of the Nation as its pawns.”[34]

More specifically, Section One stated that unless the U.S. was attacked, Congress could not declare war without a majority vote in a national referendum. And Section Two provided that once war was declared, all properties, factories, supplies, workers, etc. necessary to wage war would be taken over by the government. Those companies would then be reimbursed at a rate not exceeding 4% higher than their previous year’s tax values. [35] This would remove the profit incentive and thus any immoral reasons for a declaration of war.

In an NBC Radio address in March 19235, Ludlow told the public:

The Nye committee has brought out clearly, plainly and so unmistakably that it must hit every thinking persons in the face, the fact that unless we write into the constitution of the United States a provision reserving to the people the right to declare war and taking the profits out of war we shall wake up to find ourselves again plunged into the hell of war . . . [36]

He added that “a declaration of war is the highest act of sovereignty. It is a responsibility of such magnitude that it should rest on the people themselves . . .” [37]

Ludlow’s resolution, soon known as the Ludlow Amendment, was immediately referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary. During committee hearings in June 1935, no one spoke in opposition to the bill and yet the committee did not report on the resolution to the House before the end of the first session in August, nor when they reconvened in 1936. Ludlow attempted to force its consideration with a discharge petition but couldn’t round up enough congressional signatures. Congress was busy creating a second round of New Deal legislation intended to combat the Great Depression and was less concerned with the war clouds gathering over Europe. Despite Ludow’s passionate advocacy both in the House and to the public, his bill languished in committee. In February 1937, he made a fresh attempt, dividing Sections One and Two into separate bills. The same obstacles persisted, and despite gathering more congressional support for his discharge petition, these resolutions too remained in committee. [38]

Harris & Ewing, “Louis Ludlow,” photograph, Harris & Ewing photograph collection, courtesy Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division. Library of Congress caption: Denouncing the present war-declaring mechanism as ‘autocratic,’ Rep. Louis Ludlow appealed for approval of a constitutional amendment requiring a Nat’l referendum on participation in a foreign war.

“What Might Have Been”

During a special session called by Roosevelt in November 1937 (to introduce what has become known as the “court-packing plan”), Ludlow was able to obtain the necessary signatures to release his resolution from committee. While congressional support for the Ludlow Amendment had increased, mainly due to the advocacy of its namesake, opposition had unified as well. Opponents argued that it would reduce the power of the president to the degree that the president would lose the respect of foreign powers and ultimately make the U.S. less safe. Others argued that it completely undermined representative government by circumventing Congress and thus erode U.S. republican democracy. Veterans’ organizations like the American Legion were among its opponents, and National Commander Daniel J. Doherty combined these arguments into a public statement before the January 1939 House vote. He stated that the bill “would seriously impair the functions and utility of our Department of State, the first line of our national defense.” He continued: “The proposed amendment implies lack of confidence on the part of our people in the congressional representatives. This is not in accord with the facts. Other nations would readily interpret it as a sign of weakness.” [39] The Indianapolis Star compared the debates over the resolution to “dynamite” in the House of Representatives. And while Ludlow had the backing of “1,000 nationally known persons,” who issued statements of support, his opponents had the backing of President Roosevelt who continued to expand the powers of the executive branch. In a final vote the Ludlow Amendment was defeated 209-188. [40]

Ludlow continued to be a supporter of Roosevelt and when Japanese forces attacked Pearl Harbor in 1941, the Indiana congressman voted to declare war, albeit reluctantly. He stated:

Japan has determined my vote in the present situation. If the United States had not been attacked I would not vote for a war declaration but we have been attacked . . . American blood has been spilled and American lives have been lost . . . We should do everything that is necessary to defend ourselves and to see that American lives and property are made secure. That is the first duty and obligation of sovereignty. [41]

[Indianapolis] Jewish Post, November 3, 1944, 4, accessed Hoosier State Chronicles. After the close of World War II, Louis Ludlow continued his work for peace at an international level, calling on the United Nations to ban the atomic bomb. But he no longer advocated for his bill, stating that with the introduction of the bomb and other advanced war technology it was “now too late for war referendums.” [42] He told Congress in 1948:

Looking backward, I cannot escape the belief that the death of the resolution was one of the tragedies of all time. The leadership of the greatest and most powerful nation on earth might have deflected the thinking of the world into peaceful channels. Instead, we went ahead with tremendous pace in the invention of destruction . . . I cannot help thinking what might have been. [43]

Ludlow continued his service as a member of the U.S. House of Representatives until January 1949 after choosing not to seek reelection. Instead of retiring, he returned to the Capitol press gallery where his career had begun some fifty years earlier. And before his death in 1950, he wrote a weekly Washington column for his hometown newspaper, the Indianapolis Star.

“The People . . . Need to Have a Major Voice in the Use of Force . . .”

Ludlow’s eighty-five-year-old argument for giving Americans a greater voice in declaring war gives us food for thought in the current debate over war powers. Today, the conversation has veered away from Ludlow’s call for a direct referendum, but the right of the people’s voices to be heard via their elected representatives is being argued over heatedly in Congress. Many writers for conservative-leaning journals such as the National Review agree with their liberal counterparts at magazines like the New Yorker, that Congress needs to reassert their constitutional right under Article II to declare war and reign in the powers of the executive branch. This, they argue, is especially important in an era where the “enemy” is not as clearly defined as it had been during the World Wars. Writing for the National Review in 2017, Andrew McCarthy argued:

The further removed the use of force is from an identifiable threat to vital American interests, the more imperative it is that Congress weighs in, endorses or withholds authorization for combat operations . . . to ensure that military force is employed only for political ends that are worth fighting for, and that the public will perceive as worth fighting for. [44]

Writing for the New Yorker in 2017, Jeffery Frank agreed, stating:

The constitution is a remarkable document, and few question a President’s power to respond if the nation is attacked. But the founders could not have imagined a world in which one person, whatever his rank or title, would have the authority to order the preemptive use of nuclear weapons – an action that . . . now seems within the realm of possibility. [45]

And in describing the nonpartisan legal group Protect Democracy’s work to create a “roadmap” for balancing congressional and executive powers, conservative writer David French wrote for the National Review that “requiring congressional military authorizations in all but the most emergency of circumstances will grant the public a greater voice in the most consequential decisions any government can make.” [46]

So, if many liberals and conservatives agree that Congress should hold the balance of war powers, who is resisting a return to congressional authorization for military conflicts? According to the Law Library of Congress, the answer would be all modern U.S. Presidents. The library’s website explains that “U.S. Presidents have consistently taken the position that War Powers Resolution is an unconstitutional infringement upon the power of the executive branch” and found ways to circumvent its constraints. [47]

This bloating of executive war power is exactly what Ludlow feared. When his proposed amendment was crushed by the force of the Roosevelt administration, Ludlow held no personal resentment against FDR. He believed that this particular president would always carefully weigh the significance of a cause before risking American lives. Instead, Ludlow’s feared how expanded executive war powers might be used by some future president. In a January 5, 1936 letter, Ludlow wrote:

No stauncher friend of peace ever occupied the executive office than President Roosevelt, but after all, the period of one President’s service is but a second in the life of a nation, and I shudder to think what might happen to our beloved country sometime in the future if a tyrant of Napoleonic stripe should appear in the White House, grab the war power, and run amuck. [48]

A bridge between Ludlow’s argument and contemporary calls for Congress to reassert its authority can be found in the words of more recent Hoosier public servants. Former Democratic U.S. Representative Lee Hamilton and Republican Senator Richard Lugar testified before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on April 28, 2009 on “War Powers in the 21 st Century.” Senator Lugar stated:

Under our Constitution, decisions about the use of force involve the shared responsibilities of the President and the Congress, and our system works best when the two branches work cooperatively in reaching such decisions. While this is an ideal toward which the President and Congress may strive, it has sometimes proved to be very hard to achieve in practice . . . The War Powers Resolution has not proven to be a panacea, and Presidents have not always consulted formally with the Congress before reaching decisions to introduce U.S. force into hostilities . . . [49]

In 2017, in words that echo Rep. Ludlow’s arguments, Rep. Hamilton reiterated that “the people who have to do the fighting and bear the costs need to have a major voice in the use of force, and the best way to ensure that is with the involvement of Congress.”[50] While the “enemy” may change and while technology further abstracts war, the questions about war powers remain remarkably consistent: Who declares war and does this reflect the will of the people who will fight in those conflicts? By setting aside current political biases and looking to the past, we can sometimes see more clearly into the crux of the issues. Ludlow would likely be surprised that the arguments have changed so little and that we’re still sorting it out.

Further Reading:

Stephen L. Carter, “The Constitutionality of the War Powers Resolution,” Faculty Scholarship Series, January 1, 1984, accessed Yale Law School Legal Scholarship Repository.

Richard F. Grimmet, “War Powers Resolution: Presidential Compliance,” Congressional Research Service Report for Congress, September 25, 2012, accessed Federation of American Scientists.

Walter R. Griffin, “Louis Ludlow and the War Referendum Crusade, 1935-1941” Indiana Magazine of History 64:4 (December 1968), 270-272, accessed Indiana University Scholarworks.

[1] The Roosevelts: An Intimate History, A Film by Ken Burns, Premiered September 14, 2014, accessed Public Broadcasting Service.

[2] “Costs of War,” Watson Institute for International & Public Affairs, Brown University The Editorial Board, “America’s Forever Wars,” New York Times, October 22, 2017. The Časy cites the Defense Manpower Data Center, a division of the Office of the Secretary of Defense.

[3] Sarah E. Kreps, “America’s War and the Current Accountability Crisis,” The Diplomat, June 8, 2018.

Kreps writes that this “light footprint warfare,” made possible by technological advancement, creates a “gray zone” in which it’s unclear which actors are responsible for what results, thus fragmenting opposition.

[6] Garance Franke-Tura, “All the Previous Declarations of War,” The Atlantic, August 31, 2013 Robert P. George and Michael Stokes Paulsen, “Authorize Force Now,” National Review, February 26, 2014.

Franke-Tura wrote about congressional use of force in Syria in 2013: “If history is any guide, that’s going to be a rather open-ended commitment, as fuzzy on the back-end as on the front.” Writing for the National Review in 2014, Robert P. George and Michael Stokes Paulsen agreed that in all cases of engaging in armed conflict not in response to direct attack, the president’s power to engage U.S. in military conflict (without an attack on the U.S.) is “sufficiently doubtful” and “dubious.”

[7] “War Powers,” Law Library of Congress Jim Geraghty, “Is There A War Powers Act on the Books or Not?,” National Review, August 29, 2013.

While the purpose of the War Powers Resolution, or War Powers Act, was to ensure balance between the executive and legislative branches in sending U.S. armed forces into hostile situations, “U.S. Presidents have consistently taken the position that War Powers Resolution is an unconstitutional infringement upon the power of the executive branch” and found ways to circumvent its constraints, according to the Law Library of Congress. Examples include President Reagan’s deployment of Marines to Lebanon starting in 1982, President George H. W. Bush’s building of forces for Operation Desert Shield starting in 1990, and President Clinton’s use of airstrikes and peacekeeping forces in Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s.

Writer and National Review editor Jim Geraghty wrote in 2013: “There are those who believe the War Powers Act is unconstitutional – such as all recent presidents . . .” Journals as politically diverse as the National Review and its liberal counterpart the New Yorker, are rife with articles and opinion pieces debating the legality and constitutionality of the Act. Despite their leanings, they are widely consistent in calling on Congress to reassert its constitutional authority to declare war and reign in the war powers of the executive branch.

According to the Law Library of Congress, in 2001, Congress transferred more war power to President George W. Bush through Public Law 107-40, authorizing him to use “all necessary and appropriate force” against nations, groups, or even individuals who aided the September 11 attacks.

[9] Louis Ludlow, Hell or Heaven (Boston: The Stratford Company, 1937).

[10] Walter R. Griffin, “Louis Ludlow and the War Referendum Crusade, 1935-1941,” Indiana Magazine of History 64, no. 4 (December 1968), 270-272, accessed Indiana University Scholarworks. Griffin downplays Ludlow’s early congressional career, however, he pushed for many Progressive Era reforms. Ludlow worked for an equal rights amendment for women, an anti-lynching bill, and the repeal of Prohibition.

[11] Ibid. United States Congress,“Report of the Special Committee on Investigation of the Munitions Industry (The Nye Report),” Senate, 74 th Congress, Second Session, February 24, 1936, 3-13, accessed Mount Holyoke College.

[12] “Speech of Hon. Louis Ludlow of Indiana, in the U.S. House of Representatives,” February 19, 1935, Kongresový záznam, 74 th Congress, First Session, Pamphlets Collection, Indiana State Library.

[13] Ernest C. Bolt, Jr., “Reluctant Belligerent: The Career of Louis Ludlow” in Their Infinite Variety: Essays on Indiana Politicians, eds. Robert Barrows and Shirley S. McCord, (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Bureau, 1981): 363-364.

[15] Louis Ludlow, Public Letter, March 8, 1935, Ludlow War Referendum Scrapbooks, Lilly Library, Indiana University, cited in Griffin, 273.

[16] Louis Ludlow, From Cornfield to Press Gallery: Adventures and Reminiscences of a Veteran Washington Correspondent (Washington D.C., 1924), 1. The section title also comes from this source and page. Ludlow was referring to the Hoosier tendency to write books exhibited during the Golden Age of Indiana Literature.

[20] “Evans Wollen Is Best of the Democrats,” Greencastle Herald, November 7, 1927, 1, accessed Hoosier State Chronicles Charles J. Arnold, “Say!,” Greencastle Herald, February 24, 1928, 1, accessed Hoosier State Chronicles.

[23] “G.O.P. Wins in Marion County,” Greencastle Herald, November 7, 1927, 3, accessed Hoosier State Chronicles “Ludlow Wins Congress Seat,” Indianapolis Star, November 27, 1928, 1, accessed Newspapers.com.

[24] Everett C. Watkins, “Ludlow Will Leap from Press Gallery to Floor of Congress,” Indianapolis Star, March 3, 1929, 13, accessed Newspapers.com.

[28] “Republican Advances Ludlow’s Name as 1932 Vice Presidential Candidate,” Indianapolis Star, January 4, 1929, 10, accessed Newspapers.com.

[30] “Discuss Women’s Rights,” Nebraska State Journal, March 24, 1932, 3, accessed Newspapers.com “Women Argue in Favor of Changes in Nation’s Laws,” Jacksonville (Illinois) Daily Journal, March 24, 1932, 5, accessed Newspapers.com “Woman’s Party Condemns Trial of Virginia Patricide,” Salt Lake Tribune, December 2, 1925, 1, accessed Newspapers.com “Equal Rights Demanded,” Ada (Oklahoma) Weekly News , January 5, 1939, 7, accessed Newspapers.com Bolt, 383.

The National League of Women Voters crafted the language of the original bill which Ludlow then sponsored and introduced. In 1935, the organization passed a resolution that “expressed gratitude . . . to Representative Louis Ludlow of Indiana for championing women’s rights.”

[31] “Ludlow Asks War Act Now,” Indianapolis Star, March 13, 1935, 11, accessed Newspapers.com.

[33] “Speech of Hon. Louis Ludlow of Indiana, in the U.S. House of Representatives,” February 19, 1935, Kongresový záznam, 74 th Congress, First Session, Pamphlets Collection, Indiana State Library.

[36] “Ludlow Asks War Act Now,” Indianapolis Star, March 13, 1935, 11, accessed Newspapers.com.

[38] “To Amend the Constitution with Respect to the Declaration of War,” Hearing before Subcommittee No. 2 of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 74 th Congress, First Session, On H. J. Res. 167, accessed HathiTrust Griffin, 274-275.

[39] Everett C. Watkins, “Ludlow Bill ‘Dynamite’ in House Today,” Indianapolis Star, January 10, 1938, 1, accessed Newspapers.com.

[41] “Indiana’s Votes Solid for War,” Indianapolis News, December 8, 1941, 4, accessed Newspapers.com.

[42] Kongresový záznam, 80 th Congress, Second Session, Appendix, 4853, in Griffin, 287-8.

[44] Andrew C. McCarthy, “War Powers and the Constitution in Our Body Politic,” National Review, July 8, 2017.

[45] Jeffery Frank, “The War Powers of President Trump,” New Yorker, April 26, 2017.

[46] David French, “Can Congress Get Its War Powers Back?,” National Review, July 5, 2018.


People were sympathetic towards his health issues

As it turned out, FDR was an ideal president for his time. After more than a decade of facing challenges on a daily basis, he wasn&apost about to back down from the problems threatening the country. He established the "alphabet agencies," including the Civilian Conservation Corps, the Public Works Administration and the Tennessee Valley Authority, to stem the bleeding, as well as the Securities and Exchange Commission and Social Security to ward off future disasters. Not everything worked, but he carved out a reputation as a man unafraid to take chances — with "nothing to fear but fear itself."

Additionally, his backstory clearly inspired the masses. When tens of millions of people tuned in to his radio fireside chats, in which he explained his policies and offered hope for better days, his voice carried the authority of a man who had overcome the dark hours of hopelessness.

On a personal level, those close to Roosevelt felt that dealing with his disease made him a better leader. The younger FDR had been known to harbor an arrogance along with his impressive intellect, but that version was replaced by a more grounded, empathetic person. "There had been a plowing up of his nature," noted his longtime labor secretary, Frances Perkins. "The man emerged completely warm-hearted, with new humility of spirit and a firmer understanding of philosophical concepts."


Franklin Roosevelt - History


Franklin Delano Roosevelt
z Kongresovej knižnice

Franklin D. Roosevelt was the 32nd President of the United States.

Served as President: 1933-1945
Podpredseda: John Nance Garner, Henry Agard Wallace, Harry S. Truman
Party: Democrat
Age at inauguration: 51

Born: January 30, 1882 in Hyde Park, New York
Died: April 12, 1945 in Warm Springs, Georgia

Married: Anna Eleanor Roosevelt
Children: Anna, James, Elliot, Franklin, John, and a son who died young
Prezývka: FDR

What is Franklin D. Roosevelt most known for?

President Roosevelt is most known for leading the United States and the Allied Powers against the Axis Powers of Germany and Japan during World War II. He also led the country during the Great Depression and instituted the New Deal which included programs such as Social Security and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC).

Roosevelt was elected to president for four terms. This is two more terms than any other president.

Franklin grew up in a wealthy and influential New York family. He was tutored at home and traveled the world with his family during his childhood. He graduated from Harvard in 1904 and married his distant cousin Anna Eleanor Roosevelt. He then went to Columbia Law School and began to practice law.

Roosevelt became active in politics in 1910 when he was elected to the New York State Senate and, later, the Assistant Secretary of the Navy. However, his career stopped for a while in 1921 when he became sick with polio. Although he survived his bout with polio, he nearly lost the use of his legs. For the rest of his life he could only walk a few short steps by himself.


Roosevelt and Churchill
on the Prince of Wales

from the US Navy

Before He Became President

Franklin's wife Eleanor told her husband not to give up. So, despite his condition, he continued with both his law and political career. In 1929 he was elected Governor of New York and, after serving two terms as governor, he decided to run for president in the 1932 election.

Franklin D. Roosevelt's Presidency

In 1932 the country was in the midst of the Great Depression. People were looking for some new ideas, leadership, and hope. They elected Franklin Roosevelt hoping he had the answers.

When Roosevelt entered office as president the first thing he did was to sign a number of new bills into laws in an effort to fight the Great Depression. These new laws included programs such as Social Security to help retirees, the FDIC to help secure bank deposits, work programs such as the Civilian Conservation Corps, new power plants, aid for farmers, and laws to improve working conditions. Finally, he established the SEC (Security and Exchange Commission) to help regulate the stock market and hopefully prevent any future collapses in the financial markets.

All of these programs together were called the New Deal. In his first 100 days of being president, Roosevelt signed 14 new bills into law. This time became known as Roosevelt's Hundred Days.

In 1940 Roosevelt was elected to his third term as president. World War II had broken out in Europe and Roosevelt promised that he would do what he could to keep the U.S. out of the war. However, on December 7, 1941 Japan bombed the U.S. Naval base at Pearl Harbor. Roosevelt had no choice but to declare war.

Roosevelt worked closely with the Allied Powers to help fight back against Germany and Japan. He partnered with Winston Churchill of Great Britain as well as Joseph Stalin of the Soviet Union. He also laid the groundwork for future peace by coming up with the concept of the United Nations.


Pozri si video: Franklin Roosevelt: Biografía corta (Septembra 2022).


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